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JULY 1862     DOUGLASS' MONTHLY.     675


and in the spirit of a martyr, gives himself up to the work of missions.  But alas! it is only a very small percentage of the human family who are framed for this sort of martyrdom, and if great masses of men are to be moved a more powerful motive than general benevolence must be brought to bear upon them.-- Black men as well as others, do "rather bear those ills they have, than fly to others they know not of," and it is hardly wise to scold them for their "stolid inhabitativeness" because they show this natural preference.

The grand reason why colored men do not go to Liberia is this, they believe they are better off here than they would be there.-- Mr. Crummel draws comparisons between the white and the black man at this point as unfair as they are unfavorable to the free colored people.  The facts show that they possess a fair percentage of migratory enterprise.  Hundreds and thousands of these people have migrated, some to California, some to Hayti, some to Jamaica, some to Australia, and others to Liberia.  The fact is they are always on the move, often changing their position without bettering their condition.  Show them that yonder is better than here, and they leave here and go yonder precisely as any other variety of people will do and are doing.-- The difficulty in the way of emigrating to Liberia is that we fail to be convinced that our condition would be bettered by going there. All accounts from that country are not unanimous in its favor.  Even Mr. Crummell leaves room for doubt on this point.-- When speaking to the New York Colonization Society, and wishing evidently to make the most favorable impression for Liberia, says "But I had not been in the country (Liberia) three days when such was the manliness I saw exhibited, so great was the capacity I saw developed, and so great were the signs of thrift, energy and national life which showed themselves, that all my governmental indifference at once vanished," this was said in N.Y. city where converts were to be made, and emigrants won to that country.  But when Mr. Crummell is in Liberia speaking to Liberians his tone is quite different if not contradictory.  He then says "We are a small nation, as yet hardly productive, certainly not self supporting."

Now considering that Liberia is fully forty years old, that the philanthropy and the prejudice of America have alike been taxed to set that nationality afloat, colored men may well hesitate about coupling their destiny to this 'small nation, hardly productive, certainly not self supporting.'  Nationality however desirable with independence and self sustentation is hardly worth crossing the ocean for.  It is not impossible that Liberians would prefer that we receive the statement of Mr. Crummell made at the Colonization Society in New York as the true characterization of the condition of Liberia, and yet they can hardly blame us for accepting the statement as made in Liberia itself, where if the materials existed for such contradiction he might have been contradicted on the spot by some proud Liberian patriot, jealous of the reputation of his country.

--The people of Ohio are sending petitions to Congress, demanding that Vallandigham, whom they denounce as in sympathy with the rebels, be expelled from his seat in the House.  There is good reason for suspecting Val.'s loyalty. 

SERVICES OF COLORED MEN.

The negro is the veritable Mark Tapley of this country.  That most obliging good tempered character in "Martin Chuzzlewit," was not more determined to be jolly under severely unfavorable circumstances, than the negro is to "come out strong" in patriotism under every possible discouragement.  The Government and people have both repelled with insult his offers of assistance, and have tried hard to convince him that they can get along without him; but he treats their coldness as ill judged, the result of ill temper, and owing to a feeling of false pride, which a considerate friend is bound to disregard.  The true history of this war will show that the loyal army found no friends at the South so faithful, active, and daring in their efforts to sustain the Government as the negroes.  It will be shown that they have been the safest guides to our army and the best pilots to our navy, and the most dutiful laborers on our fortifications, where they have been permitted thus to serve.  It is already known that the tremendous slaughter of loyal soldiers at Pittsburgh Landing, where our army was surprised and cut to pieces, would have been prevented had the alarm given by a negro, who had risked his life to give it, been taken.  The same is true of the destruction of the Maryland Regiment the other day at Front Royal. Gen. Burnside in the difficult task committed to him of feeling his way into the intricate rivers and creeks of Virginia, and North Carolina, has found no assistance among the so called loyal whites comparable in value to that obtained from intelligent black men.  The folly and expense of marching an army to Manassas after it had been evacuated more than a week, would have been prevented but for the contemptuous disregard of information conveyed by the despised men of color.  Negroes have repeatedly threaded their way through the lines of the rebels exposing themselves to bullets to convey important information to the loyal army of the Potomac.  Thousands of lives and millions of treasure might have been saved to the Government if these services had been appreciated by Commanding Generals.  It was a negro who struck the first terrible blow at rebel privateering by killing the pirates and capturing the vessel, and to-day there is no man of the same opportunity so serviceable to the loyal army in South Carolina, as Robert Small the colored pilot.  The whites of the South, rich and poor receive the loyal soldiers with sullen aversion, while the blacks deem it their highest privilege to do them a service, although for doing so they have been delivered up by ungrateful officers to their rebel masters to suffer stripes and death.-- They seem determined to deserve credit whether they get it or not.  Repeatedly have the colored people of the north, by resolutions, and through the press, expressed their desire to assist in the nation's extreme need, but they have been rejected and their friends humbled.  Nevertheless, they have occasionally been permitted to load and fire a gun against the rebels, and when thus permitted they have performed their part with a will.  They did so at Hatteras Inlet, and have done so in Col. Jennison's regiment in Missouri, and elsewhere.

GEN. HUNTER is said to have organized a black brigade in South Carolina, but this terrible iron arm, more dreaded by the rebe's than ten thousand men of any other color, is said to be disbanded by order from Washington just at the moment when the blow was most needed, and when it was about to be struck.  Though thus repelled, and insulted, the negro persists in his devotion to the Government, and will serve it with a pickaxe if he cannot with a pistol, with a spade if he cannot with a sword.

In all this the negro is wise.  He can see what wise men have failed to see, that however tortuous and dark may be the present conduct of the Government, by the essential nature of things, this war, is a war between slavery and freedom, that whether our rulers, know it or not, wish it not, they are striking a blow for the destruction of slavery.  They know that the Rebel States are the slave States, and that the loyal States are the free States, from these broad premises, they are able to draw wise conclusions.  They know that they have no friends at home, and that they may have them abroad.  When a slave we could discern at a glance, in a crowd of a thousand, the single man whose soul revolted at the deeds of slavery, and so can most slaves.  The voice and manner of the northern soldier, despite of all his efforts, it may be to disguise his true sentiment, tells the contrabands that he is their friend and that he recognizes their manhood.  Thus it is that colored men flock, and will continue to flock to the loyal army, glad to serve that army in any and every way possible.

THE END IS NOT YET

All signs, whether moral or military, indicate that we are still far from the end of our civil war.  Our journals tell us of captured cities, glorious victories, starving rebels, demoralized armies, hurried and disastrous retreats, disaffected rebel communities, plots to depose of Jeff Davis, reviving Union sentiment in southern cities, the opening trade, the friendships of foreign governments, the success of our navy, the courage of our men, the science and skill of our Generals, the spirit of our people, the abundance of our munitions of war, the greatness of our wealth, the vast number of our troops, the goodness of our cause, and the weakness, folly and wickedness of the rebellion, but still we are confronted, and held in check by three powerful rebel armies, one at Richmond, one in Mississippi, one in the Shenandoah valley, which to say the least have baffled all the courage, skill, and numbers brought against them, and show no signs of a disposition to ground the weapons of rebellion, and sue for peace.  The Confederate Government may be weak and its officers disheartened, but the pleasing signs of it are not visible.  The battles before Richmond have not been crowned with undisputed victory of the Federal forces.  He is not very badly whipped who cannot some how or other, be made to think himself so.  Certain it is that the rebels trumpet as victories just what we call their defeats.  Thirty thousand loyal men have perished from disease and bullets in three months, but Richmond is not taken, and is not likely to be, unless the rebels find that they can inflict a deeper wound upon the Federal Government by a retreat than by a fight.  The policy of the Confederates is pretty well defined.  They recognize, and not unwisely, that Time is their most potent ally. Anything to prolong the conflict.  With a vast army, a fruitful and friendly country to

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