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682  DOUGLASS' MONTHLY.  JULY, 1862.

MAY MAIL CARRIERS BE BLACK

The African may be defined as a being created to show how wicked white men can be.  The system of law in the slave states is an elaborate and stupendous attempt to debauch one race by systematically defrauding another.–
The master's selfishness is the horizon over which the slave's life rises and sets.  The law ordains it.  Public opinion confirms it.

The North has cleansed itself from the laws but not from the public sentiment generated by slavery.  Black men are not made subject to the irresponsible powers or passions of other men.  But they are restrained by law, and by an even stronger barrier–prejudice–from the free use of their own powers for themselves.

Almost all avenues of industry are as effectually blocked to them by prejudice, as if a law and an officer warned them off.  Schools even, in effect, are shut against them.  A cold legal permission of attendance is of no avail against the master's scowl, the white children's antipathy, and angry parents' protests.

As a farm laborer, to some extent, the African may labor with white men.  More than anywhere else, he finds himself fairly treated on the ship's deck.  Pulpits, papers, and people might take lessons in justice and kindness from rude and boisterous sailors.

We put a stigma on the black man's color and then plead that prejudice against the commonest fair dealing.  We shut him out of schools, and then bitterly inveigh against the ignorance of his kind.  We shut up all learned professions from his reach, and withhold the motives for ordinary enterprise, and then declare that he is an inferior being, bitted only for menial services.

As fast then as it can be done, let Christians take out of the way of black men, the stumbling blocks that prejudice and injustice have cast down before them.  One step in this direction Congress seemed likely to take, and should have taken.  We are pained to see that it has been prevented, and that Mr. Colfax, of whom we had a right to expect better things, has had a leading part in preventing it.  We quote:

"The Senate lately passed a bill repealing the law which declares that negroes shall not carry the mails.  In the House it was referred to the Post Office Committee.  On Tuesday Mr. Colfax, chairman of that Committee reported that it ought not to pass.  He is reported as saying: 'Not a single person of any color from any State had ever petitioned for this repeal.  No Postmaster-General had ever recommended it no public opinion demanded it.  It would not only allow negroes to be mail contractors, and therefore officers of the Government, but Indians and Chinese also.  It would impair the security of the mails, for, in some States, blacks, Indians, and Chinese are not allowed to testify against whites, and, if robbed while in their hands, we could not procure legal testimony, as now of the mail carriers against the robbers.  It would also allow slaveholding contractors to use their slaves as mail carriers for them instead of free whites, whom they are now compelled to employ, and money would thus be paid out of our post office treasury for the labor of slaves, which is now impossible, and as this bill could not even indirectly, aid in crushing out this rebellion, which he thought the main duty of Congress, or crippling power which sustains this treason, a large majority of the Post Office Committee concurred with him in recommended that it do not pass.'"

'No one petitioned for it?'  Does Congress, then always refuse to do a just and needed thing till some one petitions?  No Postmaster General recommended it?  What a preposterous reason is this in consideration of the Southern influence over all all administrations for the last fifty years!  'No public sentiment demanded it?'  Perhaps public sentiment has not yet been formed on the point, whether the carriers horse in Arkansas shall be straddled by a black or white pair of legs!  The complexion of mail carriers has not occupied the thought of the public.  But there is a principle, about which a sentiment has been formed, that includes this and hundreds of other cases–viz:  that it is the duty of the government of the United States to abolish all unjust and arbitrary distinctions between man and man, and to recognize the humanity, the essential manhood of the African.

'It would allow negroes to be mail contractors!'  Why not if they do the service better and cheaper than any others?–
Ah, but that would make them agents of the Government–officers, if that word pleases better.  Will this Government be subverted by hiring an officer to drive horse for it?–
For shame Mr. Colfax!  'Impair the security of mails, because in some States black men 'are not allowed to testify!'  That may be a good reason for refusing a contract to a black man in Alabama or Georgia, but is no reason for refusing it to states where they can testify.

But worst of all, is Mr. Colfax's allegation that slaves might be employed by their masters to drive, and so the Government would contribute to slaveholding!  Why not amend the bill so that only free colored men should be allowed to carry the mails?

We are ashamed to follow these sophistries that do not at all conceal the real grounds in this matter.  It is not the security of the mails that Mr. Colfax fears but of the Republican party!  And it would have been more creditable to have said so.  Next to the courage to do right, is the courage to say that you know and approve it, but are afraid to do it.

It may not be of much immediate practical importance to colored men that they be permitted to carry the mails when they can do it better than any body else;  but the recognition by this Government of the right of a black man to perform any duty which he can discharge well–the recognition by the Government of the United States that a black man is a MAN, with civil rights and common privileges–that is important beyond any estimate!

Against the tremendous prejudices existing does any man believe that a colored man would ever get a contract or a driver's seat without he were eminently fit and trustworthy?  Everybody else would have such an advantage over him that the mere fact of getting a trust would be proof eminent that he ought to have it.  We do not say that a black man should have favors granted by law because he is a black man.  But we do say that if any any case, a black man isthe best man for carrying the mails, Congress ought to say that his color is no disqualification.–
Masters often trust black men with their families and their estates.  Slavery trusts the black man.  We demand that Liberty shall do the same.  No man is doing justice to himself or to American ideas who refuses to let a man stand at his own proper personal worth, without regard to nationality or color.

We had a right to hope from this Congress a recognition of the simple rights of manhood in the African.  We had a right to expect of Mr. Colfax a leading and generous influence in that direction.  Congress would have honored itself by this simple and generour act.  But if it were to be refused, was Mr. Colfax the man to advise the refusal?–
And if from any misfortune he were compelled to be the mouthpiece to a committee or a party, how much better would it have been to say, 'It is inexpedient for party reasons, to do a just act, and we adjourn it to a later day, when Republicanism is so strong that it can afford to be right.'  That would have hit the nail on the head.– Independent.

– Gov. Johnson of Tennessee requires persons who avow secession sentiments within his jurisdiction to take the oath of allegiance to the Federal Government and to give bonds for faithful observance;  failing in which they are to be transported into Secessia proper, and forbidden to come back under penalty of being treated as spies.  Per contra Gov. Stanley in North Carolina treats secessionists with the greatest consideration, drives white Union men out of the State, and reduces black Union men to the condition of slaves to rebel masters.

– The hardship and cruelty of the course pursued by Gov. Stanley towards the North Carolina contrabands are illustrated by the fact that they came into the Federal lines with the understanding they were not to be returned to their masts;  that they brought information upon which the safety of General Burnside depended;  that the men have labored faithfully on fortifications for the defense of our positions, and the women made cartridges for the batteries.  No wonder they were struck with consternation on being informed that the government to which they had in so many ways proved their loyalty would no longer protect them, and no wonder Gen. Burnside and his troops were indignant.


GEN. BUTLER AT NEW ORLEANS>

The following is a detailed account of the seizure, by order of Gen. Butler, of $800,000 in specie, at the office of the consul of the Netherlands in New Orleans:

It having come to the knowledge of Gen. Butler that a large amount of specie was secreted at the office of the consul of the Netherlands, he ordered Capt. Shipley, of the 13th Massachusetts regiment, with a proper guard to take possession of the office.

Captain Shipley found a Mr. Conturie at the office, who confessed to having the keys of the vault in his possession, but refused to deliver them up.  Lieutenant Kinsman, of General Butler's staff, was then sent back with Captain Shipley and on demanding the keys, Mr. Conturie claimed to be a Frenchman, and sent a note to the French Consul, demanding his protection.  He afterwards stated that he was consul for the Netherlands, and protested against the invasion of his consulate.  Lieut. Kinsman told him he must have the vault keys, and ordered his guard to search Mr. Conturies person, on doing which they found the keys in his trousers pocket.  On opening the vault, Lieutenant Kinsman discovered nearly a cord of kegs filled with specie.  A guard was placed over them for the night, and on Sunday they were removed to the Custom house.  There were one hundred and sixty kegs, each evidently containing five thousand dollars–in the aggregate eight hundred thousand dollars.  Each keg was sealed and stamped, 'Citizen's Bank, N. O.'  The money was of the date of 1861, and each piece had the O which indicated its having been minted at New Orleans.  There is the best reason to believe that it is part of the identical specie stolen by the rebels from the mint at the commencement of the war.

Mr. Conturie was confined in his office by the guard until evening, and was then released.  His first act after his liberation was to haul down the Consulate flag.  He then prepared a statement of the transaction for his government and forwarded to Gen. Butler the following letter:

SIR:– Herewith enclosed I have the honor to transmit to you a statement of facts which transpired in my Consular office, during the afternoon of this day, duplicates of which statement I am about to transmit to the Minister of my government accredited at Washington, and also to the Minister of Foreign Affairs at the Hague.

I desire to know whether the acts recited in said statement were performed with your sanction or by your orders.  Your answer, or a faithful copy thereof, shall accompany my messages to my Minister and Government.  I have the honor to be, respectfully, your obedient servant,
AM. CONTURIE, Consul of the Netherlands.

The consuls of all foreign powers represented in New Orleans, also protested against the action of Gen. Butler, who made the following response:

HEADQUARTERS, DEPARTMENT OF THE GULF,}
NEW ORLEANS, May 12, 1862.}

MESSRS:  I have the protest which you 

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