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712 Douglass' Monthly. September 1862 
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The President in Conference with a Committee of Colored Men. 

Washington, Aug. 14 - This afternoon the President of the United States gave audience to a committee of colored men at the White House. They were introduced by Rev. J. H. Mitchell, commissioner of Emigration. 

E. M. Thomas, the chairman, remarked that they were there by invitation to hear what the Executive had to say to them. 

Having all been seated, the President, after a few elementary remarks, informed them that a sum of money had been appropriated by Congress and placed at his disposition for the purpose of aiding the colonization in some country, of the people, or a portion of them, of African descent, thereby making it his duty, as it had for a long time been his inclination to favor that cause, and why, he asked, should the people of your race be colonized, and where? Why should they leave this country? This is perhaps the first question for proper consideration. You and we are different races. We have between us a broader difference than exists between almost any other two races. - Whether it is right or wrong I need not discuss, but this physical difference is a great disadvantage to us both, as I think your race suffer very greatly many of them by being among us, while ours suffer from your presence. In a word, we suffer on each side. If this is admitted, it affords a reason at least why we should be separated. You are all freemen, I suppose. 

A voice - Yes, yes. 

The President - Perhaps you have been free all your lives. Your race are suffering in my judgment, the greatest wrong inflicted upon any people. But when you cease to be salves, you are yet far removed from being placed on an equality with the white race. - You are cut off from many of the advantages which the other race enjoy. The aspiration of man is to enjoy equality with the best when free, but on this broad continent not a single man of your race is made equal with a single man of ours. Go where you are treated the best and the ban is still upon you. 

I do not propose to discuss this, but to present it as a fact with which we have to deal. I cannot alter it if I would. It is a fact about which we all feel and think alike. We look to our condition, to owing the existence of the two races on this continent. I need not recount to you the effects upon white men growing out of the institution of slavery. I believe in its general evil effects upon the white race. See our present condition--the country engaged in war, our white men cutting each other throats, none knowing how far it will extend, and then consider what we know to be the truth. But for your race among us there could not be war, although many men engaged on either side do not care for you one way or the other.

Nevertheless, I repeat, but for the institution of slavery and the colored races as a basis, this war could not have an existence. It is better for us therefore, to be separated. I know that there are free men among you who, even if they could better their condition, are not much inclined to go out of the country, as those who being slaves could obtain their freedom on this condition. 

I suppose one of the principal difficulties in the way of colonization, is that the free colored man cannot see that his comfort would be advanced by it. You may believe you can live in Washington, or elsewhere in the United States, the remainder of your lives, perhaps, more to your comfort than you can in any foreign country, and hence you come to the conclusion that you have nothing to do with the idea of going to a foreign country.

This I speak in no unkind sense and selfish view of the case, but you ought to do something to help those who are not so fortunate as yourselves.

There is an unwillingness on the part of our people, harsh at it may be, for you free-colored people to remain with us. Now if you could give a start to the white people, you would open a door for many to be made free.
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If we deal with those who are not free at the beginning, and those whose interests are clouded by slavery, we have very poor material to start with. If intelligent colored men, such as are before me, would move in this matter, much might be accomplished. It is exceedingly important, that we have men at the beginning capable of thinking as white men, and not those who have been systematically opposed.

There is much to encourage you. For the sake of your race, you should sacrifice something of your present comfort, for the purpose of being as grand in that respect as the white people. It is a cheering thought throughout life, that something can be done to ameliorate the condition of those who have been subjected to the hard usage of the world. It is difficult to make a man miserable while he feels he is worthy of himself, and claims kindred to the great God who made him. In the American Revolutionary war sacrifices were made by men engaged in it, but they were cheered by the future. Gen. Washington, himself, endured greater physical hardships than if he had remained a British subject; yet he was a happy man, because he was engaged in benefiting his race--something for the benefit of the children of his neighbors, having none of his own.

The Colony of Liberia has been in existence a long time. In a certain sense, it is a success. The old President of Liberia, Mr. Roberts has just been with me, the first time I ever saw him. He says they have, within the bounds of between Colony, the 300,000 and 400,000 people, or more than in some of our old States, such as Rhode Island and Delaware, or in some of our new States, and less than in some of our larger ones. They are not all Colonists, nor their descendants. Something less than 1,200 have been sent thither from this country. Many of the original settlers have died, yet, like people elsewhere, their offspring outnumber those deceased.

The question is, if the colored people are persuaded to go anywhere, why not there.-- Our reason for unwillingness to do so, is that some of you would rather remain within reach of the country of your nativity. I do not know how much attachment you may have toward our race. It does not strike me that you have the greatest reason to love them.-- But still you are attached to them at all events.

The place I am thinking about, having a colony, is Central America. It is no more than one fourth as far as Liberia, and within seven days by steamer. Unlike Liberia, it is on a great line of travel. It is a highway.-- The country is a very excellent one for any people, and with great material resources and advantages, and especially because of the similarity of the climate of your native land, thus being suited to your physical condition.

The particular place I have in view is to be a great highway from the Atlantic or Caribean sea to the Pacific ocean, and this particular place has all the advantages of a colony. On both sides there are harbors among the first in the world.

Again there is evidence of very rich coal mines. A certain amount of coal may be valuable in a country, and there are more than enough for the wants of the country. Why I attach so much importance to coal is it will afford an opportunity to the inhabitants for immediate employment till they get ready to settle permanently in their homes. If you take colonists where there is no good landing there is a bad show, and so where there is nothing to cultivate, and of which to make a farm. But if something is started so that you can get your daily bread as soon as you get there, it is a great advantage. Coal land is the best thing I know of with which to commence an enterprise.

To return--You have been talked to upon this subject, and told that a speculation is intended by gentlemen who have an interest in the country including the coal mines. We have been mistaken all our lives, if we did not know that whites as well as blacks looked to their own interests. Unless among those who 
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are deficient of intellect, everybody you trade with make something. You meet with these things here and elsewhere. If such persons have what will be an advantage to them, the question is, whether it cannot be made of advantage to you. You are intelligent, and know that success does not so much depend upon external help as on self-reliance. Much therefore depends upon yourselves.

As to the coal mines, I think I see the means available for your self-reliance. I shall, if I get a sufficient number of you eagaged, have provisions made that you shall not be wronged. If you will engage in the enterprise, I will spend some of the money entrusted to me. I am not sure you will succeed. The government may lose the money, but we cannot succeed unless we try. But we think with care we can succeed.

The political affairs in Central America, are not in quite as satisfactory a condition as I wish. There are contending factions in that quarter, but it is true all the factions are all agreed alike on the subject of colonization, and want it, and are more generous than we are here. To your colored race they have no objections. Besides, I would endeavor to have you made equals, and have the best assurance that you would be the equals of the best. The particular thing I want to ascertain is, whether I can get a number of able-bodied men, with their wives and children, who are willing to go where I present evidence of encouragement and protection. Could I get a hundred tolerably intelligent men, with their wives and children, 'and cut their own, fodder,' so to speak? Can I have fifty? If I could have twenty five able bodied men with a mixture of women and children--good things in the family relation--I think I could make a successful commencement. I want you to let me know whether this can be done? This is the practical part of my wish to see you. These are subjects of very great importance, worthy of a month's study.

I ask you, then, to consider seriously, not pertaining to yourselves merely, nor for your race and ours for the present time, but as one of the things if sucessfully manage for the good of mankind; not confined to the present generation, but as 

"From age to age descends the lay to millions yet to be, Till far its echoes roll away into eternity." 

The above is merely given as the substance of the President's remarks.

The Chairman of the delegate replied briefly that they would hold a consultation, and in a short time give an answer.

The President--Take your full time; no hurry at all.

The delegation then withdrew.
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CAUSE AND EFFECT
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SIR,-- It is notorious, that in punning style of our ancestors, "effects defective come by cause." The difference between the man who so far as his own conduct is concerned makes the best of this world, and the multitude who do the contrary, lies chiefly in the knowledge, that as you sow for the most part you must reap. Sometimes the good seed perishes and tares come up but very rarely indeed it is, that men gather figs of thistles.

History is God's horn-book, for teaching wisdom to the simple. It would be curious to see how the history of the world will look, in the eyes of men of the twentieth or twenty first century. When all that was to be made by dishonest wars is eaten, and the dead are buried out of sight, will be the time when things will be reduced to their true value, and a calm judgment be passed upon the thing that was and what it might have been.

When for instance it is found recorded that a deed of shame and folly like the attack in most damnable company on Mexico, could not produce a House of forty members in the Commons, strange will be the meditations of the then tenants of the then tenants of the earth. Their rough conclusion will be, that we were all rogues together; and we shall none of us be there, to put in a plea for our
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