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780 DOUGLASS' MONTHLY. January, 1863
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that Freedom and Progress to him ought to come thro' the nation, that the South has and will continue to employ them in a military capacity, and that, before the war is over, both sides will be bidding high for the service of every colored man able to bear arms. We had our duty to preform; we have done it. Our men have done theirs nobly, fully manfully, and none can point the finger of scorn at the negroes in Kansas, and say they are cowards. The heroic blood of their dead on the hard fought field of October 29th will be their best answer to such falsehood.

Now, we demand of the military authorities that we be either accepted or disbanded.- They cannot say that all this has been done without knowledge, for it will not be true.- We have worn the Federal uniform, carried its flag have used its arms in defense of that flag, and have been subsisted by and obeyed the orders of its officers.
[[italics]]We are eager to march South.[[/italics]] Will not Gen. Curtis give us a chance? Pay the men their back pay since they enrolled, so they may provide for their families during the winter. Give us what extra arms may be spared and let us march through the Indian Territory South, and by Christmas we will show the nation a respectable army going down the Red River Valley. At any rate we demand justice for out men. If the Union does not want brave and efficient soldiers, pay them and let them go home. If it does, then muster and pay them, and let them go on. We appeal to Gentlemen. Curtis.-[[italics]]Anglo African.[[/italics]]
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THE FREE NEGRO AND THE SOUTH.
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That class of politicians opposed to the President's proclamation, which he proposes to issue on the 1st of January, for the general emancipation of the negroes belonging to those in rebellion at that time, are trying to make the people of the North believe, that as soon as these negroes are liberated, there will be an influx of this entire population into the Northern States.

The statistics of 1850 develop the following facts:
Virginia had 54,333 free negroes.
While Ohio had 25,279.
Maryland had 74,723 free colored persons, with only 90,368 slaves.
At this time, New York had only 49,069 free negroes.
At this time, the District of Columbia had 10,059 free negroes and 3,688 slaves.
Delaware had then 18,073 free negroes, and 2,290 slaves.
North Carolina had 27,463 free negroes.
Alabama had 2,265 free negroes.
Georgia had 2,981 free negroes.
Illinois had only 5,436 free negroes.
Indiana had only 11,262 free negroes.
While Louisiana had 17,662 free negroes.
The white population of Indiana was 977,943, while the white population of Louisiana was only 255,491, while Maryland, with a population of 417,943 whites, has a population of free colored persons of 74,728.
And New York, with a population of 3,048,325 whites, has only 49,069 free negroes,
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CAN THE BLACKS FIGHT?-The following is from the Paris correspondence of the N.Y. Tribune:
To return a moment to the negro question, I quote from the French newspapers of the present week.News from the French colony of Senegal. Our corps met the enemy (negroes) in large numbers in Lombel, a fierce combat of an hour was needed to disperse them) they can fight then, the negroes). The native (black as your hat) company of engineer workmen are busily at work on the jetty of Dokai. (Useful, then, in the hands of a French Government for engineering purposes.) Crossing now from French doings in Senegal to ditto in Mexico. The attack on the railroad at Teleria was made by 1,200 Mexican guerrillas. They were repulsed by two companies of black volunteers from the Antilles who lost only ten men." (Useful, then, in the hands of a French Government, for fighting purposes.)
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SUBSCRIPTIONS TO F. DOUGLASS' MONTHLY PAPER 1862,
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[[table with two columns: Name and Address | British Pounds Symbol S. D.
Mrs. Humble, [[italics]](deceased) paper to be discontinued,[[/italics]]| 8 "
Miss Little, 1 Harlington Place, Carlisle, | 5 "
Herbert Thomas, Esq., Bristol, | 5 "
Miss Share, Meersbrook Sheffield, | 5 "
Miss Amie Droz, Lausdown Crescent Chiltenham, | 5 "
Mrs. R. V. Yates, 6 Maryland st. Liverpool, | 5 "
Mrs. J. Rubberds, High Park st. Liverpool, | 5 "
Miss Davis, Eastham, | 5 "
Miss J. Holland, Leeds, | 5 "
Mr. Walker, Leeds, | 5 "
Mr. Cliff, Leeds, | 5 "
Mr. Cooper, 2 papers, | 10 "
Mr. H. Hutton, Esq., | 5 "
Rev. R. Yelland, | 5 "
Mrs. I. B. Cooke, Shrewsbury Road Claughton, Birkenhead, | 5 "
Mr. James Sully, Bridgewater, | 5 "
Mr. Watson, Wilson Place, Halifax, | 5 "
Rev. R. L. Carpenter, do do | 5 "
Miss Ralph, Savile Row, Halifax, | 5 "
Miss Bracken, George st. do | 5 "
Mrs. Hodgson, Gerrard st. do | 5 "
Mrs. Hargreanes, Lord st. do | 5 "
Miss Crossley, Manor heath, do | 5 "
Mrs. Souter, Wilson Place, do | 5 "
Rev. M. C. Frankland, Chowbent Manchester, | 5 "

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£6,13

DONATIONS TO F. D'S. MONTHLY PAPER 1862.
£S. D.

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£18,11
Brought over subscriptions, 6,13
£25 4

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INTERVENTION.
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The certainty with which Mr. Gladstone looked forward to the independence of the South has produced more effect on the public mind than his approval of our past neutrality, and his desire to avoid anything that might in any way irritate the North. The advocates of intervention have spoken with more boldness than ever, notwithstanding the declaration of the Secretary of War, that the independence of the South was by no means such an established fact as to justify its recognition.

We cannot see what mode of intervention could be attended with any beneficial result. As to [[italics]]moral[[/italics]] intervention, the English people have expressed themselves with the utmost freedom regarding the strife, from its very commencement. We have rebuked the South for beginning it, and have censured the North for continuing it. We were angry with the South for breaking up the Union, and are still more angry with the North for trying to restore it. The condition of our manufacturing districts is a sufficient guarantee to the Americans of the sincerity of our desire for the termination of the war. It is well known that the French have the same feeling, and we see no result from any public announcement of it through our Governments, unless they are prepared to adopt such steps as shall turn a sentiment into a fact. It has been thought that the recognition of the nationality of the South by the European Powers, at the very commencement, might have prevented most of this war: we very much doubt it. At all events, the South has now little to gain by an empty recognition; the confidence in its own power, which this might have given it at the beginning, it has since won in the battle-field; and the concessions for freedom which we might possibly have then extorted, as the price for that which was so eagerly desired, will not be paid when its object has been earned without our assistance. Nor can we flatter ourselves that the European Governments, as calm and impartial spectators, can offer terms of peace which will satisfy each party, but which neither would accept from the other. We cannot see what is to be done with the Frontier States--neither section would be content without them. If we left it to these States themselves to decide, it is inconceivable that either North or South would contentedly abide by the de-
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cision of a bare majority, nor would the partisans of each Government in those States.-- War, once kindled, cannot easily be allayed. The North must suffer for greater humiliations before it would abandon the national capital; but it would be impossible to hold Washington as the seat of Government if either Maryland or Virginia were entirely in the hands of enemies. On the other hand if Virginia were ceded to the North, and remained a slave State, we should expect the South to choose the first opportunity of annexing it.

If, in the present undetermined state of the war, and our ignorance of what may be the issue of the anti-slavery movements now in connection with it, we are incompetent to acceptable terms of peace, we cannot imagine what benefit would result from an [[italics]]armed[[/italics]] intervention. The answer would perhaps be, that the blockade would be raised and cotton would once more be plentiful. This result would be extremely doubtful. It would then be more than ever the interest of the Northerners to promote servile insurrections; and if cotton is our object, it is not inconceivable that the allied armies might find themselves engaged in the disgusting office of helping to restore "order," i.e., slavery of the vilest kind. We must not forget that we want corn as well as cotton, and the food imported from the North, for September of last year until June in this, appears from a Parliamentary return to have been equal to the food of between three and four millions of people for a whole twelvemonth. The cost of this country of the war with Russia is estimated by Sir G. C. Lewis at £77,588,000: the support of the cotton operatives would therefore be a far lighter burden than a war to find them materials.-- The damage inflicted on Northern shipping by a few Southern vessels may teach us how destructive a war with the North would be to our commerce, however great our naval superiority. We ought to remember that our present distress is the direct result of the policy of our own statesmen. The North would have had no right to blockade the ports of Southerns if we had not recognized them as belligerents. As Mr. Cobden has shown (in his important address last week at Manchester,) the United States persistently advocated a policy beneficial to neutrals; and had their propositions been accepted by our Government, either at the Congress of Paris or so late as 1859, they could not have touched the trade of friendly Powers in articles not contraband of war, and our cotton fleet would have been unmolested.

If we went to war in the interests of [[italics]]humanity[[/italics]] we should be taught the absurdity of our blunder. It were a romantic self-sacrifice to which we do not aspire, to entreat the North to fight us, because we are strangers, rather than be guilty of shedding the blood of their brethren in the South. In point of fact considering the immense number of Europeans in the Federal army, a war with us would also be fratricidal. For the chance of making our Lancashire homes happier we should expose in Canada to all the horrors of invasion.-- Want of work is better than the work of slaughter. If we flattered ourselves that it would be enough for England and France to show themselves in array against the North, to induce it to listen to what we think reason, this would prove that we had not profited by experience. When the Western Powers combined against Russia, we expected that it must soon yield before such an overwhelming force, united in so just a case. Events undeceived us. Our fleet returned from the Raltic without achieving the promised conquests. Notwithstanding the victories gained by the heroism of our troops, we felt that we had lost in military [[italics]]prestige;[[/italics]] and those who took off their armor did not boast themselves as when they had put it on. If we drove the North to desperation, we should find, as [[italics]]it[[/italics]] has found with regard to the South, that success does not depend merely on numbers and resources. Against foreigners, especially against England, the North would fight with a greater unanimity, determination, and eager bitter hostility, than it has yet done against the South. For Europe to engage gratuitously in war to conquer
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