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No. 1.
opist and the scholar; and although [[text obscured]] in none of these spheres, yet he [[text cut off]]uble mite may add something to the [[text cut off]]; and if so, the reflection of his being [[text cut off]] day and generation
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[[image - engraving of Philip A. Bell]]
[[caption]] Philip A. Bell [[/caption]]

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lanthropist
OHIO STATE ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY
[[text cut off]]eface to this distress come upon us.
[[text cut off]]BER 21, 1837
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PENNSYLVANIA [[text obscured]]
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[[text cut off]] going, warm-heart [[text cut off]] are not permitted to raise their [[text cut off]] of our cause, while they remain in the dark [[text cut off]] oppression; bt when they come among us and [[text cut off]] our [yet] free air," they speak to us the language [[text cut off]] visit in this city [[/text cut off]]Ranney, opposed [[text cut off]] of Windham and Pierpoint. Mr. Porter moved that the resolution be laid on the table - motion lost, years 12, nays 13; the question recurring, shall the resolution pass, was decided in the affirmative - years 16, nays 10. That Congress have full power to abolish slavery and the slave trade in the district of Columbia and the territories of the Union: Mr Phelps of windham moved to amend the resolution by erasing the  words "slavery and," so that it would read, abolish the 
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[[text cut off]]misianinan.
[[text cut off]] CUMSTANCES." SINGLE COPIES-5 CTS.
[[text cut off]]TS OF MAN. 
[[text cut off]]NE 5, 1860. NUMBER 23.
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[[text cut off]] onservator.
MORNING, DECEMBER 23, 1862. NUMBER 47.
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[[newspaper clipping]]
[[text cut off]]rles Tribune
Published [[text cut off]]ndays Excepted. 21 Conti Street.
[[text cut off]]EW ORLEA[[text cut off]] OCTOBER 18, 1864. VOL. I-No. 45.
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ERA. 
3, 1870. $2.50 a year in advance
5 Copies for $10.
[[text cut off]]he mutual and dependent relations of labor [[text cut off]]ealth we would neither ignore nor rudely [[text cut off]]rb. The laborer needs and must have the [[text cut off]]ings. Without it [[text cut off]] of life [[text cut off]]vada, Robert H. Small; Ohio. J.A. Ware Pennsylvania, Robert Adger; Rhode Isla[[text cut off]] John T. Waugh; South Carolina, J. H. Ran[[text cut off]] Somerville; Texas, Will[[text cut off]]liam H. Lester; W[[text cut off]]William
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[[images - two engravings, one of Samuel Cornish and one of John Russwurm]]
[[caption]] Two early intellectuals, Samuel Cornish (left) and John Russwurm, founded Freedom's Journal (below) during the 1820s, the nation's first black newspaper. Cornish was a minister in the Presbyterian Church. His partner, Russwurm, a
scholarly man, was the first black American to be graduated from college. Freedom's Journal was quite popular for a while among blacks in the North and among sympathetic whites. But the journal was to fail after only four years. [[/caption]]

[[image - photo of front page of Freedom's Journal, Vol. 1, No. 3]]
FREEDOM'S JOURNAL.
"RIGHTEOUSNESS EXALTETH A NATION."
CORNISH & RUSSWURM, Editors & Proprietors  NEW-YORK, FRIDAY, MARCH 30, 1827   Vol. I. No. 3.

MEMOIRS of CAPT. PAUL CUFFEE.
  
Being now master of a small covered boat of about 12 tons burthen, he hired a person to assist as a seaman, and made many advantageous voyages to different parts of the state of Connecticut and when about 25 years old married a native of the country, a descendant of the tribe to which his mother belonged.--For some time after his marriage he attended chiefly to his agricultural concerns, but from an increase of family he at length deemed it necessary to pursue his commercial plans more extensively than he had before done.--He arranged his affairs for a new expedition and hired a small house on West-Port river to which he removed his family. A boat of 16 tons was now procured in which he sailed to the banks of St. George in quest of Codfish and returned home with a valuable cargo. This important adventure was the foundation of an extensive & profitable fishing establishment from Westport river, which continued for a considerable time and was the source of an honest and comfortable living to many of the inhabitants of that district.

At this period Paul formed a connexion with his brother in law Michael Warner, who had several sons well qualified for the sea service, four of whom have since laudably filled responsible situations as Captains and crewmates. A vessel of 25 tons was built, and in two voyages to the Straits of Belisle and Newfoundland he met with such success as enabled him, in conjunction with another person, to build another vessel of 41 tons burthen in which he made several profitable voyages. Paul had experienced too many disadvantages of his very limited education, and he resolved as far as it was practicable, to relieve his children from similar embarrassments. The neighborhood had neither a tutor nor a school house. Many of the citizens were desirous that a school house should be erected. About 1797 Paul proposed a meeting of the inhabitants for the purpose of making such arrangements as should accomplish the desired object. The collision of opinion respecting [[??]] and place occasioned the meeting to separate without coming to a conclusion; several meetings of the same nature were held, but all were unsuccessful in their issue. Perceiving that all efforts to procure a union of sentiment were fruitless, Paul set himself to work in earnest and had a suitable house built on his own grounds, which he freely gave up to the use of the public, and the school was open to all who pleased to send their children. How gratifying to humanity is this anecdote, and who that justly appreciates the human character would not prefer Paul Cuffee, the offspring of an African salve, to the proudest statesman, that ever dealt out destruction among mankind

- About this time Paul proceeded on a whaling voyage to the straits of Belisle, where he found four other vessels completely equipped with boats and harpoons, for catching what Paul discovered that he had not made proper preparations for the business, "having only ten hands on board and two boats one of which was old and almost useless. When the masters of other vessels found his situation they withdrew from the customary practice of such voyages and refused to mate with his crew. In this emergency, Paul resolved to prosecute his undertaking alone till at length two other masters thought it most prudent to accede to the usual practices as they apprehended his crew by their ignorance might alarm and drive the whales from their reach and thus defeat their voyages. During the season they took seven whales; the circumstances which had taken place roused the ambition of Paul, and his crew they were diligent and enterprising and had the honor of killing six of the seven whales; two of these fell by Paul's own hands. 
(To be Continued.)

PEOPLE OF COLOUR.
I have had three objects in view in thus going into the examination of the nature of slavery as a legal institution. In the first place I wish it to appear that the relation between the master and slave is a proper subject of legislation. It is a conventional right and depends entirely upon the laws.—as the laws create it they may modify, enlarge, restrain, or destroy it, without any other limitation than is imposed by the general good. It is not so much a right of property, as it is a legal relation; and it ought to be treated as such.

The second object was, to relieve slaveholders from a charge, or an apprehension of criminality, where in fact, there is no offence. There can be no palliation for the conduct of those who first brought the curse of slavery upon poor Africa, and poor America too.— But the body of the present generation are not liable in this charge. Posterity are not answerable for the sins of their fathers, unless they approve their deeds. They found the blacks among them, in a degraded state, incapable either of appreciating or enjoying liberty. They have, therefore, nothing to answer for on this score, because they have no other alternative, at present, but to keep them in subjection. There is nothing so de[[text obscured]] by our principles, to the acknowledgment of guilt, in that which we at the same time believe to be absolutely unavoidable, and in which therefore, it is impossible really to feel self-reproach. Our southern brethren have his ideas of liberty.

There is nothing so calculated to make men restive under command, as a habit and [[??]] of commanding others. Upon their own principles, they have been forced to acknowledge even the existence of slavery, in any shape, as criminal. They have therefore concluded that as heavy a curse hung over the present generation for continuing slavery, even when it is plainly unavoidable, as over the last for introducing it. The consequence has been, that those who seriously bewailed the evil, have folded their arms in despair, and those who regarded only their own gratification, expecting to bear the curse at any rate, have taken the desperate resolution, "Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow we die." But the principle is preposterous, and the conclusion incorrect. A Christian may hold slaves, and exact their services, without any occasion to feel a pang of self-reproach merely on account of his holding slaves.

The third object aimed at, was to fasten the charge of criminality on the very spot where such a charge will be; and where it ought to be felt; and where alone reformation is practicable. There are no duties, without corresponding rights and no rights without corresponding duties. While it is the duty of the slave to submit himself to his own master, so long as the laws of his country make him a slave, it is his right to be protected by the [[??]] in the enjoyment of life, health, chastity, good name, and every blessing which he can enjoy consistently with the public welfare.— And on the other hand, masters and legislators should feel, that subjection itself, in the best circumstances, is a sufficient calamity, and that the yoke ought to be made as light as possible. Christianity enforces this dictate of sound reason. "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself," is as much the law between master and slave, as between any other members of the human family. This is so obvious, as to appear almost like a truism. And yet this is the very thing that has always been lost sight of, among slave-holders. It has been wholly disregarded, in our own nation. Here is the point to be debated, and settled. This is the ground for fastening the charge upon our whole nation. The law of God requires that all the provision should be made by law which the public welfare will admit, for the protection and improvement of colored subjects, as well as white subjects. And this has not been done. We cannot free ourselves from this charge by pointing to the comfortable mud or even brick cabins, the warm jackets and shoes and the abundance of corn and salt with which the slaves are furnished.— We are travelling out of the record, by comparing their situation as regards food and lodging, labour and health, with that of the labouring peasantry in the old despotisms of Europe. We do not answer to the indictment, unless we either plead guilty, or show that our customs, our modes of thinking and acting recognize the humanity of the blacks. We must show that their rights are acknowledged, their protection secured, their welfare promoted; and that in every particular, excepting that of involuntary servitude and its necessary attendants, the stand upon the same ground with their masters.— When this is doen we shall feel no guilt on the subject. We shall fear no divine vengeance. We may hope to enjoy the favor of our merciful heavenly Father. But this is not done. I think I may venture to assert, that most of the slave-holding states, neither the laws, nor public opinion, secure to the slaves any of the privileges of humanity. Nothing more is done for them, in kind, than is done for the domestic beasts; and nothing more in degree, except as they are a more valuable species of property, and are recognised, to some extent, as possessing rational faculties. Let the contrary be shown. I say that of all that kind of provision, which goes to purify and elevate the character, and to create in the subject affection and confidence towards the government, every trace and track is completely excluded. The culture of their minds, the preservation of their morale, their instruction in the only religion which can make them good servants, happy neighbors, and hopeful heirs of eternal life, every thing of the kind is guarded against, by the laws at least, even more studiously than the abuse of their persons and the destruction of their lives. Whatever is attempted for their improvement is done by individual effort, and in direct violation of the laws. Here is our guilt, our full, dark, unmitigated guilt. It is the guilt of our nation. We in the non-slave holding states, do not feel it as we ought. But we cannot wash our hands, until we can safely declare, that we have done every thing we can, by public and private efforts, to remove the injustice. We have not done this, Comparatively speaking nothing has been done. The Colonization Society has indeed made a beginning, and done as well as could be expected. But I ask how long it will probably be, before that institution can dispose of 30,000 blacks in a year, which is only the present annual increase. Until they can do this, the number must be continually increasing. Indeed, I do not believe our southern brethren, in general, intend to do any thing more than to provide a sort of safety valve, by this Society, to serve as an outlet for their free blacks and supernumeraries. In our country, acts of the legislature are to be taken as to the expression of the public feeling, on all great subjects.— Towards the blacks, the language of each [[??]] legislature has been, "Our fathers made your yoke heavy, but we will add thereto; our fathers chastised you with whips but we will chastise you with scorpions." Something must be done, to avert the fearful consequences.

We cannot expect any efficient measures to be adopted spontaneously in the slave holding states. The natural effects of slavery, upon the morals, industry, population, strength, and elevation of character, of a state, are so destructive, and it produces so much vexation, trouble and danger, the necessity of it is so very questionable; and its advantages are so trifling, compared with its evils, that we should naturally expect that those who are embarrassed with it would be solicitous about nothing else, than how to be delivered from the curse. But it is not so. The people are so wedded to their habits, and so fond of exercising unlimited power, and so many of their comforts seem to depend upon slavery, that we cease to wonder, at not finding any thing done by them towards improvement. I quote the language of Mr. Clarkson, the great friend of the blacks. "Their prejudices against the slaves are too great to allow them to become either impartial or willing actors in the case. The term slave being synonimous according to their estimation and usage, with the term brute, they have fixed a stigma upon their blacks, such as we who live in Europe could not have conceived, unless we has irrefragable evidence upon the point.— What evils has not this cruel association of terms produced? The West Indian master looks down upon his slave with disdain. He hates the sight of his features, and of his color; nay, he marks with distinctive opprobrium the very blood in his loins, attaching different names, of more or less infamy to those who have it in them, according to the quantity which they have of it in consequence of their pedigree, or of their greater or less degree of consanguinity with the whites.—Hence the West Indian feels an unwillingness to elevate the condition of the black, or to do any thing for him as a human being. I have no doubt, that this prejudice has been one of the great causes why the improvement of our slave population by law has been so long retarded; and that the same prejudice will continue to have a similar operation, so long as it shall continue to exist. Not that there are wanting men of humanity among our West Indian legislators. Their humanity is discernable enough when it is to be applied to the whites; but such is the system of [[??]]. and the degradation attached to slavery, that their humanity seems to be lost or gone, when it is to be applied to the blacks. Not again that there are wanting me of sense among the same body. They are shrewd and clever enough in the affairs of life, where they maintain an intercourse with the whites; but in their intercourse with the blacks their sense appears to be shrivelled and not of its ordinary size. Look at the laws of their own making, as far as the blacks are concerned, and they are a collection of any thing but—wisdom." If these remarks are not applicable to the state laws of our own states, let the courtesy be shown.

See Ep vi 5,9. Col. lii 20 iv.1,
"Thoughts on the necessity of improving the condition of the slaves, &c with a view to their ultimate emancipation." p. 10, 11.
(To be continued)

CURE FOR DRUNKENNESS.
In speaking, on a former occasion, of the remedy for intemperance proposed by Dr. Chambers of this city we expressed ourselves with a considerable degree of caution. As it is a subject of great importance to the community, and one on which they ought to be explicitly and accurately informed, we have within the past week spent more than one whole day on making a personal investigation into cases where the remedy has been applied, and into the nature of the medicine, in the hope of coming to a full and satisfactory conclusion. The result of our enquiries will be seen in the sequel.—N. Y. Obs.

The remedy is not the same with that proposed by Dr. Loiseau of New-Orleans; or if it is, the coincidence is unknown to Dr. Chambers. They have had no manner of intercourse on the subject, and are entire strangers to each other. Dr. C. has been in possession of the secret, in its essential principles, for a number of years.

The medicine is taken in liquors—that of which the patient is most fond, is usually preferred. It is not unpleasant to the taste, as we have ascertained from those who have taken it, and still more accurately from having tasted it ourselves.

In its operation it is powerful, but not dangerous. It usually operates as a cathartic, and also as an emetic; but not always in both respects. In all cases nausea is produced.

There are three modifications of the medicine; adapted to the peculiar habits of the patient and  inveteracy of the disease. Of course it is important, in making application for persons at a distance, to state these particulars as definitely as possible. In the mildest form, we are told by Dr. C. that it fails of curing in about four cases out of twenty. Resort is then had to the other modifications. 

In almost every instance more than one dose is necessary. The greatest number of doses which have been taken in any case which we have examined is seven or eight The cure is generally complete in the course of a single week.

Before being mingled with the liquor in which it is to be taken, the medicine subsists in two forms-as a liquid and as a powder. The former is of a red color, the latter of a light brown; in this form, it can be forwarded through the Post Office, in letters containing the proper directions.

Dr. C. has had the generosity to offer it to the poor of the city who are unable to make any compensation, gratis. To others the price is not extravagant considering the nature of the remedy, and is varied in some measure according to the circumstances of the individual.

It has already been applied in a large number of cases, in only two of which so far as known to Dr. C. has it failed of effecting a cure unless prematurely relinquished.

We have conversed with two reputable gentlemen, entirely disinterestedly which have had opportunity to witness its effects on a large number of individuals, and it is their decided opinion that it is a truly remedy.

Several persons of good standing in society
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An exact reproduction of the original paper by permission of the New York Historical Society. Copyright 1891 by Wiley & Co., Springfield, Mass.

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Transcription Notes:
[[??]] has 4 or 5 letters , but I am unable to guess the word

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