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[[newspaper clipping]]
[[Image ]] 
[[caption]] Miami policemen reacting as re-[[text cut off]] [[/caption]]

Carter's Visit Fo[[text cut off]]
Special to The New York Times
Miami, June 10—President Carter came, saw but did not conquer in his visit yesterday to the scene of last month's racial rioting, black leaders here said today. 

While voicing embarrassment over the disturbances during the President's visit, some of those leaders nonetheless termed yesterday's four-hour visit ina[[text cut off]] and said that it suggested to the [[text cut off]] of concern in the White House fo[[text cut off]] to repair the social and economic [[text cut off]] of the disturbances. 

The President had offered [[text cut off]] assistance to meet local group[[text cut off]] 
way" in repairing the riot damag[[text cut off]] 
said that the Government would [[text cut off]]dertake the entire task.

When Mr. Carter reached Liber[[text cut off]]
the heavily black and Hispanic ar[[text cut off]]
was the central point of the riot[[text cut off]]
crowd of black youths booed him an[[text cut off]]
eral of them threw peanuts and bot[[text cut off]]
the motorcade. The President and [[text cut off]]
tourage quickly left the area for th[[text cut off]]
port. One bottle struck the roof o[[text cut off]]
Carter's closed limousine and o[[text cut off]]
struck staff and reporter's cars.

'Appalled and Embarrassed
"We are appalled and embarrasse[[text cut off]]
this action which reflects very badl[[text cut off]]
this community," said Marvin Dunn[[text cut off]]
assistant vice president of the Florida [[text cut off]]ternational University and a promi[[text cut off]] local black leader. 

City Judicial and Business Leaders Express Hope, But Some Say They Remain Pessimistic
Special to The New York Times
MIAMI, Dec. 6--Some residents have expressed hope that a citizens' committee report on the causes of the riots in Miami's black sections last spring may lead to an improvement in race relations, but others say they are not optimistic. 
The [[text cut off]] report, issued by a [[text cut off]]
[[/newspaper clipping]]


On the morning of November 5, 1980, black Americans had reason to ask themselves whether the extraordinarily strong showing of conservatives forces the day before represented the final nail in the coffin of the Second Reconstruction, begun so promisingly in the 1960s with landmark civil rights and social legislation, court decisions and executive actions, and then allowed and/or encouraged to languish and wither in the 1970s. Not only had the more conservative of the two major candidates, Ronald Reagan, won the Presidency—and blacks had given 90% of their votes to President Carter—but control of the Senate had shifted to the Republicans thus elevating several arch-conservatives to the chairmanships of important committees, and inroads had been made into the Democratic majority in the House of Representatives. 

It was evident that there had been a movement to the right of the political spectrum and the satisfaction experienced by conservatives over this development was matched to a large degree in the black community by the feeling that hard times were ahead. 

To understand this view, one must first understand that while there have always been black conservatives, conservatism as a political philosophy, whether in traditional or neo-conservative trappings, has always been unappealing to the majority of black people. The reasons for this are rooted in the black experience in which conservatism is often viewed as a code word for the retention of the status-quo at best, or for the retrenchment of civil, social and human rights gains at worse—neither of which can be construed as being in the best interests of black people. 

Conservatives may very well argue, and many of them with total sincerity, that their views are not necessarily anti-black. But the fact persists that this is the perception of conservatism held in much of Black America, and this perception lay at the heart of the very real concern, and in some instances dismay, that many blacks felt in the wake of the November election. 

Whether this concern or dismay is warranted forms a question that cannot be answered at this point—there just has not been enough time. The Reagan Administration is just preparing to take over the leadership of the national government and it has not yet clearly defined how it proposes to deal with programs and policies of crucial importance to blacks, other minorities and the poor. And while some of the new Senatorial leaders are sharpening their axes in anticipation of chopping away at the programs and policies that they personally oppose—such as the Voting Rights Act, affirmative action and food stamps—it is not clear that they command sufficient forces to have their way.   

[Section bottom second from left] 
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[[newspaper clipping]]
3 Miami Blacks [[text cut off Killin[[text cut off]]
Of 3 Whites D[[text cut off]] the R[[text cut off]]
[[text cut off]]MI, May 26 (UPI)—The police ar-
re[[text cut off]] three young black men today and charged them with murder in the slayings of three whites who were dragged from their car and beaten to death during the rioting here. 

The three are the first persons to be charged with murder in deaths related to the three days of riots in Miami that began May 17. Sixteen persons were killed in the violence. 

The police said they could not have made the arrests without the help of the black community. They said the three suspects were on probation for other crimes and were positively identified by witnesses as participants in the slayings

Those arrested were identified as N[[text cut off]]
aniel Lane, 18 years old; Leonard J[[text cut off]]
ah Capers, 20; and his brother La[[text cut off]]
[[/newspaper clipping]]

[[newspaper clipping]]
s. Harris, at [[text cut off]]rns of 'Ot[[text cut off]]
By ARI L. GOLD[[text cut off]]
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