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King's campaign did in Boston. Studies of black political attitudes in 1984 should show a significant increase in political efficacy.

• The presidential campaign will have an irresistible appeal to black voters, elected officials, and political leaders. Even those who do not approve of Jackson or of his candidacy will be drawn by the symbolic significance of a black contender for the presidency at a time when the black vote is increasingly mobilized. Gallup polls in April and July 1983 showed that 42% of non-white Democrats selected Mondale as their first choice in an six man Democratic contest. Glenn was a distant second among non-white voters, with 12% and Cranston, who placed third attracted 3% in the first poll and 5% in the second. The second largest group among non-white voters was undecided, 33%. In a three way race in the general election among Reagan, Mondale and Jackson, however, however, Mondale's black support dropped by 29%, Reagan won only 7% and Jackson picked up 48% of the black vote.

• Rising black voter registration levels, Jackson's strong charismatic appeal and effective use of television will make him a formidable candidate for the Democratic party, both in the primaries and as a highly credible threat to the party and black unity in the general election. The front running Democrat, and the amorphous group of individuals and organizations known as the Democratic party will have to deal with Jesse Jackson, who is a surrogate for the black vote.

• High turnout will also affect the outcome of many Senate and House races, possibly increasing the Democratic majority in the House and recreating a Democratic majority in the Senate. State and local elections will also be affected. There are signs that the black vote will combine with other groups within the Democratic coalition which split for Reagan in 1980, as well as with women. This wave of electoral participation represents a second generation, unforeseen success for the civil rights movement and for those groups which have worked at voter registration and voter mobilization over the last quarter century. With size, high turnout, loyalty, geographic concentration and divided opposition in the Democratic primaries, and the Jackson candidacy, black voters will have a major impact upon the presidential election in 1984 and upon national politics at all levels for some years to come.

THE HIGH-TECH REVOLUTION
AND ITS IMPLICATIONS
FOR BLACK EMPLOYMENT
BY
CHARLES L. BETSEY
ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF ECONOMICS
UNIVERSITY OF
THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
ON LEAVE TO
THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES
AND
BRUCH H. DUNSON
CHAIRMAN, DEPARTMENT OF
ECONOMICS AND FINANCE
PARIRIE VIEW A&M UNIVERSITY

CONCLUSION

•The "high-tech revolution" is more an evolution. New types of machinery, new production techniques, and new products that incorporate electronic equipment are increasingly becoming a part of our lives. It appears that over the next decade these new products will not directly displace many jobs, nor offer a great many new job opportunities.

• At the same time, other changes have been occurring over a number of years that will continue to transform the nature of jobs available. The shift from a goods-producing to a service-producing economy will continue. Yet, the growth in the government sector that was responsible for much of the shift experienced since World War II was reversed in 1981. Government employment nationwide will probably show only minimal growth over the next several years. U.S. purchases of imported goods at both the low and high ends of the income distribution contribute to a shrinking employment base in many industries and regions.

• In the past decade the educational attainment of the black population has increased significantly. Among blacks age 25 and over, more than half the population had secured a high school diploma in 1981 compared to only one-third who had done so in 1970. High School dropout rates for black youth have continued to decline, but in October 1981 10.2% of black youths age 14 to 19 were not enrolled in school compared to 8.7% of white youth.

• A recent report of the National Comission for Employment Policy states: "When the average high school graduate can expect 50 productive years in the labor market, the best hope for a flexible labor market is to make such graduates have the basic skills the complement the specific training they will get on the job."

• We must find ways to assure that black youth complete the training (both in-school and out-of-school) that will make it possible to obtain such skills.

• As the average level of educational attainment of the general population continues to increase, we must assure access to quality education at all levels. Sound preparation in mathematics, science, and language skills is increasingly essential if black youth are to be competitive in the workplace. In addition, a continued effort to encourage and support minority youth to pursue scientific and technical careers is needed.

• Finally, every effort to assure that blacks have equal access to new and existing jobs should be made. Discrimination in housing, like employment discrimination, acts to unduly restrict the opportunities black have to earn a living. Efforts to provide blacks access to non-central city job locations must encompass not only efforts to restructure mass transit systems to make "reverse commuting" possible, but must also include the vigorous enforcement of laws that prohibit discrimination in housing as well as employment.

SUMMARY
THE STATE OF URBAN EDUCATION
BY FAUSTINE C. JONES-WILSON
PROFESSOR OF EDUCATION
AND GRADUATE PROFESSOR
HOWARD UNIVERSITY

FINDINGS

• Blacks have used public schools to their advantage. Their educational attainment rates have climbed greatly in the last 30 years, from a 23% high school completion rate

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