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yoke. Certainly not on the basis of a reactionary compromise with imperialism as proposed by Padmore and his friends. 
 
Padmore's complete desertion from Communism to the camp of petty-bourgeois nationalism is further revealed in his recent articles. In the article, "Ethiopia Today", published in the anthology, Negro, edited by Nancy Cunard, Padmore, with the enthusiasm of the most frantic Garvey leader, extols the "virtues" of the Emperor of Abyssinia and the "progress" and "advancement" of the Abyssinian people under his "enlightened" rule. In this he blurs over class lines among the Abyssinian people and represents the reactionary slave-holding feudal ruling classes, allies of imperialism, as a progressive factor in the country. At the same time in this article he gives support to the reactionary petty-bourgeois idea of race against rave. The defeat of Italy at the hands of Abyssinia at the end of the century is represented by Padmore not as a defeat of Italian imperialism by the Abyssinian people, but as a defeat of the "white race at arms". It is small wonder, therefore, that in the same article Padmore also gives support to the counter-revolutionary idea of Japan as the "champion of the dark races". Padmore characterizes the recent commercial treaty between Japan and Abyssinia as "an alliance which might have tremendous and far-reaching importance not only for Ethiopia but for all Black Africa". this same petty-bourgeois line is continued in his articles on Africa appearing in the recent issues of the Baltimore Afro-American. In regard to the increasing plunder of the African peoples by imperialism, Padmore exclaims: "White Europe is killing Africa!" Truly, petty-bourgeois nationalism has found a wily spokesman in George Padmore. He undoubtedly stand out as the chief theoretician of neo-Garveyism. 
 

In what consists the counter-revolutionary kernel of all these neo-Garveyist movements?  

42 
 
 1. By holding forth the reactionary utopia of escape from oppression by peaceful migration, they tend to draw the masses of Negroes out of the struggles for their rights in the U. S. A. against the white ruling class, thus disarming them in the face of growing fascist reaction and national oppression.
 
 2. At the same time, through their emphasis on the petty-bourgeois nationalist slogans of race solidarity, race unity, etc., as opposed to the class solidarity of the Negro and white toilers, as against the revolutionary alliance of the Negro people and white working class, for the overthrow of the common oppressor-imperialism-they tend to strengthen the division between Negro and white and in this manner hinder the formation of a common front of the toilers against the rising fascist offensive. 

The Relation of Neo-Garveryism to Fascism 

The relation of these Garveyist and neo-Garveyist movements to fascism is very clear. For example, it is no accident that we find certain Garvey leaders coming out in open support of Hitler's fascism and fascist organizations in the U. S. A., contending that fascism will help the integration of the Negro race, foster "race consciousness", and hence forward the struggle for national liberation! A precedent for the practical alliance between Garveyism and fascism was already set by Garvey in 1924, at which time he sought to effect a united front with Colonel Simmons of the Ku Klux Klan on the basis that he (Garvey) would discourage the fight for social equality of Negroes in the United States if Simmons would aid him in his reactionary schemes for the migration of the Negro peoples to Africa. A striking historic parallel is seen in the old Zionist movement during the Czarist regime in the attempt of Doctor Hertzel, father of Jewish Zionism, to effect an agreement with Czarism.

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Transcription Notes:
The hyphenated word "imperialist" is completed on the previous page. Removed the unneeded instances of [[page number]]. Fixed several typos. Otherwise should be good to go. Czarism is completed on this page.