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protesting replacement of permanent w/ temporary (casual) workers; there strikes largely successful but when, beginning in 57 , strikes temporarily prohibited by [[?]] goon , estates again began rewriting more temporary workers
a 1960 I L O report notes that palm oil estates using as much as 48% temporary workers 
in 1962 article , David Blake notes that management continuing policies fully tested in colonial period to [[?]] situation in which workers willing to work for full day on the estates - basic strategy to eliminate other alternatives in the area and/or raise needs for cash income

gains won by estate labors in 50's to early 60's quickly lost after military coup of '65
rather than opposing [[strikethrough]] [[?]] [[strikethrough]] imperialism as the previous regime had done , new goon. re-opened doors to foreign investment, aid and technical assistance from Western capitalist counties; all communities labor  unions outlawed, many of their leaders either killed or imprisoned and in some regions workers who belonged to communist - affiliated unions fired and black-listed from permanent estate works
on home estates latter impose. since up to 95% of the workers SARBURPRI members in 1954 an order issued aimed at stopping squatting by registering squatter holdings as of that time, but outlawing further squatting not registered in 1954, since their land and return them to the estate
from 1965-68 the estate labor force dropped by 34%
for 1st time see large no's of unemployed and underemployed gavanese in Sumatra ; while estates complaining about "labor shortages", stolen marshalls evidence to show that using pol. situation as an excuse to shift to much cheaper largely casual, largely female labor force drawn from surrounding villages -- did not rehire permanent laborers lost thru imprisonment, political firings or normal attrition
squatters who had formerly [[strikethrough]] [[?]] [[strikethrough]] managed by balancing estate work w/ small scale agr. no longer had that option