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the religious outlook of the people is shown by the existence of a place of sacrifice to Deva Bagus Mantja Gina, the tutelary deity of the five crafts: iron-, copper- and gold-working, wood-carving and painting. Traces of Hinduism are indeed clearly apparent here, but the population has retained the primitive ancestor cult as the essential function of the temple. This is also quite clear from the fact that the Balinese also has his own domestic temple, sanggah, with recesses for offerings and shrins for sacrificial acts required in the ancestor cult. But Hinduism has left its imprint on these domestic temples, as is shown by the existence of sacrificial recesses, pasimpangan, for the Mountain God and the Sun God, Surya. The word pasimpangan means 'a place where one abides a while' , i.e. where the deity stays temporarily among men during the ceremony'." p. 194: The actual ceremony in the temple of the community is not performed by a fully-qualifier Hindu priest, a pedanda, but by a pamangku, a sort of lay priest from the village, who is at the same time curator of the temple. It is only at the special festivities which inaugurate the annual purification of the village from demons and evil spirits that the pedanda appears and blesses the offerings with hold water. The fact that he has thus no direct connection with the villagers is the consequence of the specific social system which became established on Bali after the introduction of the Hindu caste system. Whilst in India differentiation between the castes developed into an almost unbridgeable stratified social system, Bali still has in the main the classical division: the three castes, triwangsa....stand in contrast to the original indigeous population of Bali, wong kaamen, who are allotted to the shudra group as casteless. We shall not go into the sub-divisions of the three castes, the many groups amongst the shudras, the origin of which is generally recorded in presastis, sacred documents written on lontar leaves, and shall merely point out that the five crafts mentioned above, the pantjagina, provide an exampel of the way in which such groups were formed. These presastis are kept secret, but in so far as they are made known, they show that the Balinese have a well-developed feeling for their own dignity, and certainly do not consider themselves inferior in rank...... The daily life of the villagers takes its course in house, field and market under the patriarchal supervision of the authorities of the community and the subak. In the older-established villages the upper class is formed by the patriarchs of those families descended from the founder of the village, the kromo-desa. They manage the economy of the village, and the other inhabitants owe them obedience. In the more recent types of desa authority is exercised by a so-called klian, who is elected at the village meeting, the centre of village life, and who is deemed to hold his authority from the gods. Not only must they constantly take care of the material needs of the community, but they must also observe ceremonies to maintain contact with ancestors, gods and tutelary spirits, and to keep off demons and evil spirits. The women of the village are in charge of the sacrifices deemed indispensable for many varied purposes.... Ceremonies do not always take place within the closed group which 19
