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scholarship at Yale, earing the money necessary for his board and lodging in various ways. He received an A. M. degree from Yale in 1904. From 1905 to 1908 he was a traveling secretary for the International Committee of the Young Men's Christian Association; from 1908 to 1910 he held a fellowship of the Bureau of Social Research of the New York School of Philanthropy and studied at Columbia University, where he has now taken his doctorate with a thesis on "The Negro at Work in New York City," a subject on which he is an authority. 

Since 1910 Dr. Haynes has been professor of social science at Fisk University and director of the Nation League on Urban Conditions Among Negroes, with headquarters in New York City. The league is composed of white and colored persons, and has various purposes uniting, indeed, three organizations in one. It seeks to promote and to do constructive and preventive social work for improving the social and economic conditions among Negroes in cities; to bring coordination and co-operation among existing agencies, and to develop other agencies when necessary: to make such studies in urban center as may be necessary for the objects mentioned, and last, although perhaps most important, to train social worker. The training of such workers in the best theory and practice of social work is, in the opinion of the league and its director, "the very foundation stone for work among the Negro people."
C.G. Woodson, the second doctor of philosophy, was born in Virginia in 1875, but he grew to manhood in West Virginia, working in the coal mines to purchase a home and to defray the expenses of his secondary education, which poverty had delayed. In 1896 he finished the course of the Douglass high School of Huntington, W. Va., and entered Berea College the following academic year. After doing a little less than three years of work at this institution he left college to teach, and in 1900 was chosen principal of the high school, of which he had been a student four years earlier. Availing himself of the opportunities for summer work, he completed his college course at the University of Chicago, receiving the degree of bachelor of arts. His professors testify that he did his work with distinction and praise him for his honorable career. "He has never held a position," says one, "which he could not again, if it were vacant."

Reading that section of the Republican press which demands the nomination of President Taft, one is interested to discover that tens of thousands of dollars are being spent by Roosevelt to buy up the colored delegates to the national convention at Chicago. Reading the section of the press which maintains that Roosevelt alone can save the country, it is thrilling to find that by the reckless expenditure of money Taft is securing the co-operation of the same delegates. No sooner has one made up one's mind as to the source of corruption than another newspaper arrives with convincing proof just the other way. 

Mr. McKinley, the Taft chairman, declares that Roosevelt got the colored vote of Maryland by open purchase. The Roosevelt men say this is "a diabolical lie," and that anyone who repeats it is "an unqualified liar." The Charleston News and Courier, looking on at the fight, remarks: "Both Roosevelt and Taft are now exerting their efforts to convince the black politicians that one is the greater friend to them than the other. The purchasable and corrupt delegations, which represents nothing but themselves, have in the course of events become the arbiters of the convention fight. One them the issue of the contest will depend." 

The Charlotte (N. C.) Observer, which is a progressive paper and frequently fair to colored men, sums up the anti-Roosevelt side thus: "Comes the word from Washington that the friends of Colonel Roosevelt at the nation capital were elated to-day (Saturday) over the report form South Carolina that Frank J. young, a Negro tailor of Spartanburg, and a delegate to the Republican Nation Convention, had declared that he and five other Negro delegates in his Sate, who were supposed to be pledged for Taft, would vote for Roosevelt. A dispatch from Washington to the New York world, under date of May 4, says that a report is in circulation there that 'Roosevelt's backer offered Representative Slemp, chairman of the Republican State Committee of Virginia, $25,000 for the delegates from his State to Chicago.' The World correspondent adds that 'the vestibule of the Roosevelt headquarters here at times has looked like a Negro meeting house in the South. Eleven colored preachers from one State were there one day. They came in a body to learn at first hand about the new Moses who is to lead their people out of the political wilderness.' 'It is estimated,' says the World correspondent again, ' using the alleged offer to Representative Slemp as a basis, that Roosevelt workers have offered over $375,000 for Southern delegates in Maryland, West Virginia, Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Oklahoma and Texas.'"

Then, on the other hand, Colliers's weekly, which is ardently championing the cause of Roosevelt, goes into details about the corruption of the Republican "machine" in the South and makes specific charges against the so-called leaders, white and colored, in the State of Georgia. Henry S. Jackson, collector of internal revenue, is president of the State League of Taft Clubs of Georgia, and has been sending letter to Republicans to raise what Collier's call a "slush fund." The magazine insists that these letter are in direct violation of the law. "For writing these letters Mr. Jackson can be dismissed from office. With a sensitive Department of Justice, it is entirely possible that an indictment would be on the preliminary to further proceedings. The criminal code deals with such a letter as the first one."

Mr. Jackson calls on the leaders, white and colored, to go around among those "who are under some obligation to the part and solicit from all of them," then to distribute

Transcription Notes:
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