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of monopolies, can be rallied in such a fight. Such a movement can turn Eisenhower's threat to labor that "the public is looking over the shoulders of those sitting at the bargaining table" into a "boomerang". Organized labor can and must rally the mass of people "to sit on its side at the bargaining table."

Such a peoples' movement can compel the big business administration in Washington and a cynical Congress to provide the necessary relief and safeguards against the ravages of unemployment. Such a peoples' movement can form the basis for an anti-monopoly coalition under labor's leadership which can begin the long needed offensive to curb the political and economic power of the trusts, the men FDR aptly labeled "economic royalists".

Such a movement can set back on its heels the plot to use the "racketeer" issue to weaken the trade unions and alienate the people from them.

It can raise to a higher level the alliance of labor and the Negro people.

Such a movement whose potential for labor and the country are vast, needs the initiating and directing force of organized labor.

It is with this estimate and perspective and what is urgently required that labor needs to view its problems and tasks.

SHORTER WORK WEEK

The demand for the shorter work-week, in particular the 20 hour wee without decrease in take-home pay, is a key anti-depression measure. In whatever form it can be brought about in specific industries, it can win widespread support beyond the ranks of labor. Like the institution of the eight hour, it is of historic significance for the entire working class. The regulation of this demand in the present auto negotiations is unfortunate, but by no means reflects the great support existing among the rank and file. It is in labor's urgent interests that this issue be raised to is proper level of its importance.

AUTOMATION

The present economic situation is greatly aggravated by the problem of automation. Automation is accelerating the displacement of additional hundreds of thousands of workers and has become a life and death question for many unions. Labor can no longer leave this question for "panel discussions" and future consideration.

Automation cannot be permitted to be the sole preserve of monopolists under the "management clause" of no interference from unions in matters of production. Labor should insist that automation should result in shorter work week rather than s shorter work force, and in passing on the gain to the consumer in lower prices.

It requires a struggle for re-training of workers at company expense, guarantee of seniority standing in event of change-over; for job equality and guarantees against elimination of Negro workers; against speed-up and for higher take-home pay.

At the same time Communists will carry on education on the difference in the application of automation in a capitalist society and a socialist society in which new technology does not bar the workers by truly means more leisure and higher standards for all.

ORGANIZATION OF SOUTH

What the fight for and the achievement of the eight hour day and the organization of the basic industries was for paving the way for tremendous advance of the trade unions, so today is the issue of organization of the South.

As the CPUSA's 16th Convention Draft Labor Resolution stated:
"The southern organizing drive would be the single most powerful factor in welding the Negro-labor alliance in a common struggle against the Dixiecrats, who are the main obstacle to the freedom of the Negro people and the forgers of chains for labor in the halls of Congress and in the open shops of the South. The merger of these two great struggles of our times into on great common battle would mark the high point of the American people's struggles for a better America......."