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estates among the croppers and share tenants ...", and: "... the struggle for the land, for the breakup of the  plantations ...".  These latter statements are so general that they could apply to the Reconstruction period, the present Cuban revolution, or to many other cases.

Section IV correctly emphasizes the concept of the non-partisan political unity of the Negro people. However, the latter part of this section which deals with "...different approaches and estimates of the task and the best means of accomplishing it" introduces a considerable amount of confusion. The description which is given of the programs of various sections of Negro leadership does not accurately describe the program of any section of that leadership, and important sections of the leadership are not recognizeable (Rev. King, A. Philip Randolph, etc.)

Section V should deal specifically with the central need for a labor-Negro-liberal coalition against the Dixiecrats and their reactionary Wall-street backers. The program of this coalition and the responsibilities of its various components should be dealt with in detail.

Section VI should assess the impact on the Negro people which has been produced by the Khrushchev visit and the great changes which have come about on the international scene. The Negro people know full well that the cold war has for years been used as an excuse to delay the granting of equal rights. Moreover, the Negro people know from their own life experience and from their whole history in the U.S. that peaceful coexistence is possible. They have had to coexist under all sorts of conditions with all sorts of people. The open attack in the Negro press against "Captive Nations Week" as something which was hypocritical and not in the interests of Negroes, the almost universally favorable response to the Khrushchev visit on the part of the Negro press and Negro leadership, the call which is already emerging in the Negro press for a visit to the United States by Premier Chou En Lai of People's China, and many other facts indicate that there is an advanced consciousness on these matters among the Negro people The problem is to translate this into organized expression and action.

Another section should be added to the Resolution. This section should deal with a program of action for Negroes in the North. The goal of such a program must be clearly defined as equality in practice -- an equal share of everything. In this way a multitude of varied specific struggles on issues can be united into a powerful sustained movement. The very statement of the problem can stimulate action and suggest tactics. The masses of people must be shown how to "fight City Hall" and win. Such a struggle for equality can be united effectively with the labor movement and with the Puerto-Rican and Spanish-speaking people. Here again, the main emphasis must be placed on bringing the labor movement forward in the fight for equal rights. The vitally important task of building a coalition between the Negro people and the Puerto-Rican people needs detailed discussion. In this regard it is necessary that the Negro people take the lead. It is especially necessary that Negro people take the lead. It is especially necessary that Negro Party members fight consistently for such a policy on all levels within the Negro community and within the labor movement.

Section VII on the Party should concentrate on the main task: bringing allies to the Negro people's movement. The backwardness of the labor movement with respect to active support of the demands of the Negro people should be our main concern. In addition, the Part should spark a modern-day "Abolitionist movement made up of militant white supporters of Negro freedom. These new "Abolitionists" should be people of action as well as words. Another key thing that the Part should concern itself with is the building of a broad non-Marxist left within the Negro freedom movement. The program of such a left would be based on mass action and organizationally united independent Negro leadership.

It would have been helpful had this section discussed the tactics of work in various specific types of united fronts and the relationship between that work and what the Parts says and does in its own name. This would help in clarifying the content of the Party"s vanguard role.

The Resolution is not adequate with regard to the theoretical aspects of the Negro question. In Section I the statement is made that the significant court victories scored over the past fifty years" ... have rendered profound changes in the common psychological makeup of Negro Americans." This is incorrect. Equal rights has always been the goal of the Negro people. The Supreme Court decision means that the Negro people now have the law on their side, and this is of enormous tactical value. It is the tactics of the Negro movement that have changed, along with objective conditions. Mass action is now more possible and more effective than ever before.