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The section on self-determination lacks an adequate analysis and a correct historical perspective, although the proposition to drop the slogan of self-determination is correct. The attempts made at a "Marxist scientific definition" of the Negro question merely add to the confusion (The Negro people are a racially distinguishable ethnic group..."; "... they are the most severely oppressed ... of the national groups which compose the American nation"; "... the Negro people occupy a specially disadvantaged place among the nation's nationalities".) At this time we do not wish to perpetuate a situation where comrades are busy looking at present-day facts and past history primarily for the purposes of shoring up their own particular arguments. Therefore we propose the following:

1) The self-determination slogan should be dropped because it does not suit present-day reality.

2) The Negro question is special and central even though the Negro people in the "Black Belt" are not a nation.

3) We should not take any of the definitions we have applied to the Negro people in the past and then attempt to fit reality to that particular definition.  The Negro question will not fit any such theoretical "cubby-hole." We should examine the living present plus past history first, and then attempt to define the entire result.

Thus substantive changes, deletions and additions are required before the Draft Resolution on the Negro question can serve as the basis for an adequate mass line and program of action for our Party.

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LEGISLATIVE ISSUES: AN IMPORTANT AREA OF STRUGGLE
(Excerpts from an Extended Report)
By Will Farley

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How many Brooklynites outside of the jobless themselves know that each of Brooklyn's 8 Congressional Districts has been declared an "area of surplus labor" (a euphemism for lots of unemployment?) How many voters know that there is a bill in Congress to relieve unemployment in such "distressed areas"? As a matter of fact, how many Party Clubs know of such a bill much less place it on their agendas for some kind of action? Are our Party clubs, by their organizational and educational work in the neighborhoods, preparing unemployed as well as other voters to raise these issues with their legislators? Is it possible that delegations of unemployed, perhaps some representatives from nearby building trades local, could be organized to see their Congressman and United States Senators to support, for example, the Murray-Metcalf Federal Aid to Education Bill? This bill would provide more school class-rooms and teachers for our children along with providing thousands of jobs for construction workers and those in industries supplying building materials.

Since last December there has been a good deal of legislative and political activity on the part of 26 metal trades unions at Brooklyn Navy Yard to prevent further layoffs of shipyards workers caused by the shifting of "defense" work elsewhere. Trips to Washington, D.C. to see Senators Keating and Javits and the Brooklyn delegation in Congress, visits to City Hall and Albany and delegations to New York political leaders -- all with one aim in view: more "defense" contracts for Brooklyn Navy Yard.

Dozens of other examples could be cited where union leaders and large numbers of workers see no other solution to the problem of unemployment except through more and more contracts for armaments.

Obviously, with this kind of lobbying and legislative activity - for more war shipbuilding and repair work -- legislators whether in New York or Washington will feel little compunction about voting for multi-billion dollar military budgets.

Big shipping executives right here in our own bailiwick have spoken out about the desirability of more peaceful trade. Bankers and capitalists wined and dined Mikoyan last winter to stir up commerce overseas. As long ago as 1954 the American Labor Party showed exactly where there were 175,000 more jobs for New Yorkers if