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should use the position of the working class, and its approach to every question, as the central orientation to all of the matters raised in the draft "political" resolution. This is so with respect to peace, the economic situation, the 1960 elections, etc.

Certainly we are in agreement with the theme that we need a policy of peace. The draft resolution says the "people" want peace. I presume this includes the workers. Do workers lead the peace movement? If not why not? If not, what program can we institute that will bring this about? Are the monopolists the only bad boys on the peace question? How can we help to change this position? Incidentally, when the Party speaks of "public option," is this the same "public" the bourgeois press claims is clamoring for further stringent anti-labor laws as a result of the steel strike? Who is this public?

Comrade Stalin wrote a theoretical article a number of years back on the status of monopoly capital. In this article we saw for the first time  a reference to the attainment or desire for "maximum profits" or "super profits." I must confess that although I applied myself to this article very seriously, and although I was involved in many discussions around this article, I never fully understood it. However, since then no article on the economic situation, almost no article at all, appears in print without the reference to the desire by Big Business for "maximum profits." Before and after Stalin?

Another burden we have borne year after year after year is the "more militant moods" of the people, or that "militancy is on the increase", etc. We rarely see a frame of reference. To what are we comparing this "surge" of militancy? The "thirties," the "forties," last year, and the year before? We also inevitably have the evidence to support this "rising militancy" in the form of some of the struggles which have taken place. As though it were surprising that in a class society in which a class struggle goes on daily, that this is not to be the expected course of events. For instance, the steel strike is cited as a sign of this "increasing militancy." Is there a better illustration of what might have been and was not? Can't you imagine what a struggle might have been waged? Corner meetings, food collections, turning the economic struggle into a political struggle, marches on city, state, and national capitals, demands for surplus food, etc. Only after three months of strike are the steel workers beginning to know the issues involved.

The advances made by the Negro people are also cited as evidence of these "militant" moods. Is this a correct estimate? Has the momentum engendered by the dramatic victory before the Supreme Court been maintained? Or has the struggle entered the grim stage of hanging on to what was won in the earlier years of this decade? The daily heart-breaking struggle of winning a battle at Little Rock, to lose one in Mississippi, the period of striving to make the victory before the Supreme Court a reality, and making very, very slow progress.

If, on the other hand, there is indeed a rising militancy among the workers, we in Buffalo face a serious problem: Why is Buffalo so out of tune with this rising militancy? Ever since the UAW strike, where incidentally the workers were forced back to work, the reports from the shop indicate almost abject apathy. Not only UAW: All during the height of the recent depression, the CIO Council exclusively concerned itself with an internal power struggle. Further, during the recent depression, although attempts to organize an unemployment movement were made here, we found no clear-cut evidence that the workers wanted such an organization or were ready for one. The local estimate goes contrary to the national estimate.

Since 1954 we have heard correctly and repeatedly that "it is essential to bring into existence an anti-monopoly people's coalition uniting labor, the Negro people, the small farmers, etc." We have also seen the same generalizations stated in regard to the development