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so-called impartial or above the classes participant, but fundamentally on the side of the bosses. Alternatively using the carrot and the stick to coerce the workers into submitting to the attacks of the companies, the government has also been used as an agent to help develop and promote the new ideological offensive of the companies, in order to in the public. The administration has rallied to the banner of inflation and poor work efforts (feather-bedding). This line has been parotted by the President, members of Congress, and persons in the administration. The use of the Taft-Hartley law by the administration has made clear the destructive nature of that law, and the administration's use of that law to the monopolies' complete benefit.

Finally, if all this wasn't sufficient, many section of the ruling class in or out of government are calling presently for legislation to limit the ability of the right to strike. (One of the many new insidious demands is or compulsory arbitration.) This right to strike is the fundamental weapon of the working class in a capitalist country. The chant is no matter how cleverly or appropriately Taft-Hartley is used it is not sufficient to control the workers.

The purpose of this general attack is to attempt to turn the clock back thirty years to create a submissive working class, through the setting up of a series of laws whereby the government can administer the affairs of the trade unions and blunt the abilities of the workers to fight back. Their desire is to turn the plants and industries of America into a veritable playground for the American bosses. This is the new and dangerous situation that confronts the American workers today. Victory for the bosses is far from inevitable. However, the most energetic united action on the part of the American workers and their unions is necessary to stop these attacks and to go onto the offensive against American monopoly.

For more than a decade the labor movement has been on the defensive. A major source of weakness has been the adoption of the cold war policies by the top councils of the trade unions. Not only do they support the most reactionary sections of the monopolies on this, they call for continuous expansion of production, in the field of armaments. They fear an economy of peace. They have no confidence that a peacetime economy can provide more stable employment. As a result of such policies, they place roadblocks on the road to coexistence. Their solution to unemployment has been to call for more funds for armaments. Even when the administration cut the arms appropriations they attacked it as a weakening of our ability to survive the red menace as well as creating unemployment. They have in the main accepted the promise of the infallibility of the capitalist system to overcome its contradictions. They believe the economy to be depression-proof, due to large manufacture of arms and built-in stabilizers won through struggle after the depression of the thirties. As a result of such illusions their leadership was weak during this past depression. Nor are the lingering effects of the past depression being dealt with adequately. These policies of class collaboration have been very costly to the American workers. Many workers have lost confidence in a large section of the labor leadership, because of their failure to lead. Therefore many workers became fertile ground for employer antiunion propaganda. During this past period either through open invitation by a Meany or passivity characterized by Reuther, much restrictive legislation has been passed. When these forces began to see more clearly the implications of these bills -- that the bills were not a boon to the unions -- they relies on their friends such as Kennedy in Washington to correct the situation. Many of these friends such as Kennedy acted more like the friends of the bosses. They helped push the anti-labor bills through. After the bill was passed, accommodation for the most part became the line of the AFL-CIO.

During the past ten years anti-Communism has been a main tenet of the AFF-CIO. It still remains so, despite the setback of McCarthyism. However, the easing of the cold war and the offensive of the monopolies has lessened the virility of this