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garment) an explosive situation is in the making. Many of the old left unions, members and leaders, who perhaps tended to forget the nature of capitalism in the boom years, are reacting to the attacks against the labor movement, and the continuation of the cold war. Other sections of the labor movement in New York City who by no stretch of the imagination fall into the category of corrupt trade unionism, and who have a history of struggle against big business repression such as print, are also beginning to see more clearly the intent and dangers of the drive against labor by the monopolies. This has manifested itself in the first place by the election of Harry Van Arsdale to head the merged labor council. Van Arsdale, having a record of more advanced honest trade unionism, notwithstanding some of the serious deficiencies in the production shops of the IBEW. This new coalition then moved into organization of the hospital workers which was one of the most dramatic positive occurrences in the past ten years. This drive gave head to the militancy of the Negro and Puerto Rican workers, many who were young, many young women. Their militancy was an inspiration to the entire labor movement and sparked an organizational drive nationally in the hospital industry. It spelled the finis for the rot that the Negro and Puerto Ricans wouldn't fight for a union or were not union conscious. A new level of trade union unity was achieved in this period. Even Dubinsky gave credence to this strike. This strike also indicated certain deficiencies and made more clear certain aspects of developing and maintaining pressures to ensure the widest unity until the end. It also demonstrated new opportunities for the old left unions, as well as showing that strains will remain between these unions and others. These forces then moved to the organization of the Labor Day parade, another milestone on the way back to militancy of the New York City labor movement. The fundamentals of the parade was to strike back at the offensive against labor, support of the strikes, and the defeat of the laws were the keynote of the parade. It is important to note that in the organization of the parade anti-Communist slogans or concepts were not used and even in garment where we speculated on the possibility of such incidents they were virtually non-existent. The workers of New York City can now only with more difficulty be mobilized on any question on the basis of anti-Communism. It is also interesting to note that during Khrushchev's visit,  that while there was no overt support for it by the labor movement in New York there was no echoing of the Meany, Reuther, Dubinsky line by Van Arsdale or the others. I consider this positive. It indicates differences which should be explored. In this period Van Arsdale, Quill in a twisted way, Hollander and in Buffalo Holloran have all indicated dissatisfaction with the Democratic Party and have indicated independent political concepts. While none of these forces moved boldly in the insurgent anti-De Sapio campaign, their utterances, concrete actions by Halloran, should be viewed positively. One can safely say that a new positive trend exists in the New York City labor movement, and that makes possible additional movements in this direction and enables many diverse political forces to play a role. The Left included. One can say that the fundamental force which underlies these trends are the Negroes and Puerto Ricans who are the butt of the vicious monopoly practices in this city.
In the coming period of time our outlook should be to develop perspectives on a series of key questions. Recognizing that in many instances our particular groupings cannot include all. However our division in its entirety will be able to deal with all. 
Our first general tactic is to fight for the trade union movement's own good program which often remains on paper, and to unite the broadest forces for its accomplishment. This program generally is used for higher wages, shorter hours, organizing the unorganized. Our main strategic task in New York City is to move the labor movement into a crusade to organize the unorganized, particularly the Negro and Puerto Rican workers, and begin to base ourselves on the most exploited sections of the workers, the Negroes and Puerto Ricans. In this regard certain tasks emerge. Firstly, to keep encouraging CLC to continue to organize. Recognizing here that certain unions in the city are levers in this regard due to their outstanding efforts in this field. District 65,