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bargaining. New York State, as well as New York City, needs a minimum wage law of 150 hours. Serious political argumentation and leadership is needed to deal with a question such as this. The whole question of tax structure, particularly in view of Rockefeller's new law, requires more consciousness within the new broad developments in New York. The forms that left may take can vary from caucuses on different levels. Rank and files that don't express merely the in versus out. Perhaps left forums on broad issues, not dealt with in normal trade union functions, such as Randolph-Meany-Khrushchev, etc. Forums where workers come and hear discussion and then bring ideas back into the union. Within the framework of these and other forms the Party begins to develop as a c onscious force on a united front bases. Perhaps we d on't have all the answers on this score, but a left of minimum nature in the labor movement is a must if it is to successfully move ahead.

Central to all our t asks today is the defense of the American labor movement. The overwhelming majority of unions in New York City have spoken out against the Landrum-Griffin Bill. The IUE in Brooklyn, Local 485. intends to run an independent candidate in the 17th a D for the State Assembly in 1960 as an expression of militant opposition to this law. These attitudes of opposition are favorable for moving the unions into bolder activities. It would be good if the trade unions would go into the communities, to the organizations, and explain the dangers of this bill, how it not only affects the unions but the people generally. Mass meetings of protest would still be in order. Delegations to Washington and local politicians would have a great effect. Our task should be t o c reate the conditions for its repeal. All forms of legal tests should be developed to further weaken the government's implementation of the law. This law is already having its effects. In a large Buffalo local a dues assessment was asked for the striking steel workers. The president of the local said that under the new law they and to have a secret membership referendum. The action was delayed. Only by an al l-out push in the local was the assessment finally passed.

The Party should indicate how this unconstitutional law is the extension of the attacks against the Party. Having been able to get away with it with our Party, the most advanced section of the working class, the n ow move to the entire class. Unfortunately our warning came true. Consequently the Party must do all in its power in every form available to expose the nature of this bill and other contemplated anti-labor legislation. We must explain the relationship of the attacks against the Party and the attacks against the labor movement and the Negro people.

Our vanguard role is inherent to the extent we are able to develop work and motion on the previous outlook. How well we are able to move various sections of the labor movement on the peace question, Negro question, key economic questions, on the fight to defeat and rollback further anti-labor legislation, political action, etc. Howe well we are able to convert our individual trade union base with a political base. To be able to surround ourselves on the more advanced workers who will respond to our leadership on the more advanced political issues of the day to day issues to the political issues will determine our ability to introduce ideas of socialism and create the possibilities for recruitment. On any and allof these basic questions the Party will play a direct role through its own form to enable the work within to develop. Through these two mutually dependent methods the party will develop its legality amongst the workers. However, the fight for the Party's legality must have direct forms also. We must explain consistently to the workers the mutuality of anti-labor legislation and anti-communism. Anti-communism is a divisive undermining weapon of the ruling class. The mutuality of the ruinous cold-war policies of Meany, Dubinsky, etc., and its relationship to unemployment and general insecurity. Consequently our ability to consistently expose the inadequacies of class collaboration and social democracy, as well as the class enemy, are a prerequisite for a vanguard role. Class collaboration ad various forms of corruption are not concepts that we can accomodate ourselves to in the sense,