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Notices.

National Convention of the Liberty League. 

The undersigned committee appointed at Macedon Locks in June last to call a "National Convention some time in the year 1848," do invite "Those who wish to provide equal civil securities for the rights of all men," to meet in Convention at the city of Rochester, on the 31st day of May next, at 10 o'clock A. M., for the purpose of nominating a candidate for the Vice Presidency, and the transaction of such other business as may come
before the convention.

The convention will be held in the Court House, and will continue two days.
E.S. GILBERT,
W. D. BABBITT,
WM. R. SMITH, 
A. PENNEL, 
HIRAM PITTS, 
National Com. of the Liberty League. 
Honeoye, Feb. 29, 1848.

Notice. - Agreeably to the recommendation of the Liberty Party Convention, held in Auburn, January 12th and 13th, 1848, a National Liberty Party Convention will be held in the city of Buffalo, on the 14th and 15th days of June, 1848.

This Convention, from the fact that it is expected to nominate candidates for President and Vice President: and to take high and effective ground in behalf of personal liberty, free-trade, free-soil, exemption from the burden and curse of war, and from other violations of the equal rights of all men, will probably attract a large concourse of persons and be of a deeply interesting character. 

State League Convention. 

A mass convention for the nomination of the State officers, to be supported by the Liberty League at the ensuing fall election, will be holden in the Court House, at Rochester, on the second day of June, at 10 o'clock A. M. 

Let our friend see to it that the various parts of the State are well represented. 
E. S. GILBERT,
W. D. BABBITT, 
Wm. R. SMITH, 
HIRAM PITTS, 
A. PENNEL, 
Central Com. of the Liberty League. 
Honeoye, Feb. 29th, 1848. 

The Prisoners. 

A meeting was held in Boston on the 25th, in relation to the recent attempted escape of the slaves from Washington, and the imprisonment of those concerned in it.  A committee was appointed, and we publish below a Circular issued by them.  We need not commend it to the attention of our readers: 

To the Friends of Liberty throughout the United States:

The undersigned, at a public meeting of citizens of Boston, held at Faneuil Hall, on the 25th inst., in relation to the recent arrest, at Washington, of three men, charged with assisting the escape of fugitive slaves, were authorized to collect money and employ counsel, for the purpose of defending these men, and of bringing before the Supreme Court of the United States the question of the legality of slavery in the District of Columbia. 

Our action in this matter can furnish no color of pretence to charge us with meddlesome interference.  Whatever may be the case in the States, slavery in the District of Columbia is a national affair - our affair.  Over that District Congress possesses sole and exclusive jurisdiction.  It is the citizens of the United States who are the jailors of these men. 
 
We deny that the Constitution confers on Congress any power to establish, or to maintain slavery, in territory over which it possesses exclusive jurisdiction.  This is a most important question, in reference not only to the District of Columbia, but to the territory about to be acquired from Mexico. We wish to bring it before the Supreme Court, and to have it presented there, along with some other closely related questions, by the very ablest counsel. To do that, money is needed; and we call on you, friends of liberty, to furnish it. Even pirates and murderers are entitled to counsel - how much more, guilty only of an act of humanity, prisoners in the midst of a hostile community, surrounded by enemies thirsting for their blood? This call, we know, will not be in vain. We suggest the expediency of setting subscriptions on foot in the principal towns. All remittances to our Treasurer, J. P. Blanchard, or to Samuel E. Sewall, 10 State street, or Francis Jackson, 27 State street, or to any member of the Committee, will be acknowledged through the public prints, and the expenditure duly accounted for. Editors friendly to liberty are requested to give this a few insertions. 
SAMUEL MAY, 
SAMUEL G. HOWE,
SAMUEL E. SEWALL, 
RICHARD HILDRETH, 
ROBERT MORRIS, Jr., 
FRANCIS JACKSON, 
ELIZUR WRIGHT, 
JOSEPH SOUTHWICK, 
WALTER CHANNING, 
J. W. BROWNE, 
HENRY I. BOWDITCH, 
WM. F. CHANNING, 
JOSH. P. BLANCHARD, 
JAMES M. WHITON, 
CHARLES LIST. 
Boston, April 28, 1848

☞ The bail fixed upon is $70,000; about $1000 for each prisoner. 

New England Anti-Slavery Convention. 

The annual meeting of the New England Anti-Slavery Convention will be held in Boston, TUESDAY, WEDNESDAY,  and THURSDAY, May 30th, 21st [[ 31st ]] and June 1st, to which all the friends of immediate and unconditional emancipation are cordially invited. Not one of the long series of meetings held by this Convention have failed to be of obsorbing [[ absorbing ]] interest, or to give a powerful impetus to the Anti-Slavery cause. No other anniversary meeting in the land is so attractive, or characterized by such earnestness of spirit and boldness of expression.  Large as has been the attendance hitherto, it is hoped it will this year greatly exceed all precedent. 

Let the friends of the slave, even far beyond the borders of New England, pour into the city like an invading army. 

Who that can come will be absent? How long shall the slaves be kept in their chains? How long shall we ourselves crouch under the lash of southern slavedrivers?  How long shall the present union with human kidnappers continue? Let a more than French enthusiasm inspire us to assemble our forces, combine and direct our strength, and give vigor to our operations. Let this be a memorable gathering in the history of the republic.  We can make it so-then WE WILL. 

NOTICE.-Ira Grover, formerly of Cuba, Alleghany county N.Y., is desirous of learning where his brothers, Stephen, Harvy, and Ira, and his sister, Anna, are, if living, and whom he has not seen since childhood. Letters addressed to him, to the post-office here, will be received with thanks.

St. Clairsville, Apr. 24, 1848.

☞ Buffalo, Cleveland and Columbus papers would confer a benefit by copying the above. 

NOTICE.- EDWIN L.DARBY, a colored man, recently died in Union Village, New York, leaving some property. His relations, who are supposed to be in Michigan, can obtain information at the North Star Office. 

Meetings in the West.

Henry G. Wright, the Apostle of Peace, and Charles C. Burleigh, the eloquent Anti-slavery Advocate, will hold meetings at the following places, viz: at
Pittsburgh, Pa. June 15th, 16th & 17th
New Brighton, Pa. June 19th & 20th
Louisville Ohio June 22d
Youngstown, Ohio June 24 th & 25th
New Lyme Ohio June 27th
Painesville, Ohio June 29th
Chagrin Falls, Ohio July 1st & 2d
Cleveland, Ohio July 4th
Twinsburgh, Ohio July 6th
Richfield, Ohio July 8th & 9th
Akron, Ohio July 11th
Ravenna, Ohio July 13th & 14th
Randolph, Ohio July 15th & 16th
Massillon, Ohio July 18th

The meetings at New Lyme, Cleveland, and Akron, will commence at ten o'clock, A.M.; the others, on the first day of the meetings at two o'clock, P.M.; subsequent days at 10 A.M.

The friends of Anti-Slavery and of Peace are requested to make all necessary arrangements for the meetings, and give as wide a notice as possible. Now is the time to agitate.

Persons can avail themselves of this opportunity afforded by these meetings to pay for the Anti-Slavery Standard, to SAMUEL BROOKE.

American Anti-Slavery Society.

We regret our inability to give a full report of the speeches delivered at the annual meeting. We will endeavor to supply the deficiency as far as possible next week.

SPEECH OF MRS. LUCRETIA MOTT.

There is not a more interesting object for the contemplation of the philosopher and the Christian-the lover of man, and the lover of God, than the law of progress,--the advancement from knowledge to knowledge, from obedience to obedience. The contemplation of it is beautiful, the investigation of it is exceedingly interesting, as manifested in the history of the world. We find in the earlier records, the command to advance, "to get thee from thy kindred, from thy father's house, and to come into the land which I shall show thee." And, again: "ye have encompassed this mountain long enough: speak to my people. that they go forward." In the declaration of the Prophets of old, it was men of clean hands who were to grow stronger and stronger; it was the righteous who held on his way; and in latter times we find the recommendation of the Apostles to their brethren was, "to go on unto perfection, not laying again the foundation for repentance from dead works." And, indeed, was not the teaching of Jesus particularly directed to lead the people onward,--"Ye have head that it
was said by them of old time, thou shalt do thus or so?" then assailed those orders and institutions which they regarded as sacred; speaking directly in opposition to their alleged Heaven ordained law. In contradiction to this law of retaliation, he taught them to love their enemies and to do good to all, embracing all mankind in the love which he so beautifully inculcated, and so happily exemplified.

In coming down to latter times, this law of
progress is most emphatically marked in our day, in the great reformatory movements which have agitated the truth-loving and sincere-hearted, engaged in the work of blessing man. This may not be a fitting occasion to dwell much upon this topic; but there are those present who can look back to the early days of the great peace reformation. The first efforts were to arrest the progress of offensive war; while they claimed to themselves, in extreme cases, the right of a resort of self-defence. But a reformer now, the Jesus of the present age, on the Mount Zion of Peace, says "Ye have heard that it was said by them of old, thou shalt war only in self-defence, but I say unto you, take not up the sword at all." The language is not now in only prophetic vision, as of old; it does
not, as the current theology has attempted, explain the prophecies of peace on earth, to refer to some future, far distant millenium, but its language now is, "sheath the sword;" "render good for evil;" little children are taught to return a "kiss for a blow." Do we not see the progress that these principles have made? Was there ever a period in history when nations were so prolific of events as at the present moment, giving promise of being consummated by the ultimate realization of the higher principles of "peace on earth, and good will to man," calling into action the high moral sentiments of the people, and tending to arrest the sword of the destroyer.

Truly, this law of progress is worthy of our admiration. Look at it in the temperance reformation: those interested in that cause, can remember how it was said by them of old time: "thou shalt drink wine moderately, and abstain from the unnecessary use of intoxicating liquors." What is the language now of the Saviour on Mount Zion of Temperance? "I say unto you drink not wine at all-practice "total abstinence" from all intoxicating liquors."

And how has it been (let me touch upon it ever so lightly) with the subject of priestcraft?  It was said by them of old time, "down with your hierarchies."  The Protestant reformers said, "away with your popery, away with priests of that particular church," and let us have in lieu thereof, the Protestant and dissenting priesthood. What now is the language of the reformer from among those who began to have God for their high priest-Himself the teacher of his people?  "Thou shalt judge for thine own self what is right, and God alone is, and shall be thy teacher."-Look at your pulpits; they are widening; they are not the little, high, narrow, isolated boxes they were wont to be in olden time; there is room for several, and occasionally a woman is found to occupy a place there.--(Applause.) Is not this then an evidence of progress even in the greatest and highest of Christian principles?

How is it in the Anti-Slavery cause?  It is now more than ten years since it was my privilege-and a great one I esteemed it-to attend an anniversary of this kind in this city. I remember the tone of the speeches, how that only the first principles of Anti-Slavery were brought into view. And, indeed, looking back to a period shortly before this, when a little handful gathered in the city of Philadelphia, and sat in convention,--and what for? To declare, not merely self-evident truths-to reiterate the simplest truisms that were ever uttered.  Read the declaration of the Anti-Slavery Convention of 1833, and see what it was found necessary then to declare in Convention.  The people were asleep on the subject with some few exceptions. There had been solitary individuals, such as Lundy, and Elias Hicks, and the Benezetts, the Clarksons, and the Wilberforces. But the labors in England for twenty years were simply to arrest the progress of the Slave Trade, and it was the work of a woman to declare, that "Immediate, not Gradual Abolition" was no less duty of the master, than the right of the slave.  In this Convention in Philadelphia, the great principles of human freedom were uttered that every man had a right to his own body, and that no man had a right to enslave or imbrute his brother, or to hold him for a moment as his property-to put a fellow-being on the auction-block, and sell him to the highest bidder, making the most cruel separations in families.  At that time these things were scarcely known; the people had scarcely considered them. It was now made known to very many in the Northern States, that there were then more than two millions held in this abject bondage, who were claimed as property, that men had this irresponsible control, this legal right to their persons.-- This Convention resolved what it should do: first-efficiently to organize itself, and then to seek to form other Anti-Slavery Societies throughout the country.  They were to go forth and endeavor to enlist the pulpit and the press in behalf of the suffering and the dumb. The work it had to do was a Herculean task; it was, to meet the priests of the Church, and to endeavor, by bringing Bible texts, to oppose them to others, in order to prove that man had no right to hold his fellow-being as a slave.  What has resulted from their labors? Look at the law of progress in this particular: read this appeal of the women of Scotland to the women of America; (applause;) see what they there say with regard to going to the Bible to claim authority for holding human beings in bondage. It is not sufficient now to quote the example of the ancient, on which modern slaveholders claim the right to oppress their fellow-beings, and that to an extent greatly transcending slaveholding in ancient times.

But time is no longer occupied by Abolitionists in meeting the ministers in this way. The labors of these few pioneers have been sufficient to awake the nation to the consideration of this subject, and there is a response in the hearts of those who have not been blinded by their sectarian prejudices, by the tradition they have received, or by the God of this world which blinds the eyes of them that believe not. These have heard the truth, and having received it, gladly have come forward; and in their inmost heart there is a response to the truth as it was once uttered by a speaker of the House of Assembly in Barbadoes: that "every man knows in his heart that slaveholding is wrong." It was needed that some should first come forth thus armed and give their views to the people; and may not the pioneer in this cause of immediate abolition, "turning towards Mr. Garison,) who trod the wine press alone in the beginning of this work, say in the language of the Prophet, "with my staff I passed over Jordan, and now I have become two bands?" Look around you over the country, and see whether he spoke in vain, when he declared that he would be heard. (Great applause.)  Observe the progress in the labors of this reform, that both the pulpit and the press are enlisted to some extent in behalf of the suffering and the dumb.  Also, as has been already remarked in the legislative halls of the land. The National Assembly is engaged with it. Scarcely a Legislature in the several States but discovers at every move on the great question of American Slavery, something cheering to the Abolitionist. Even though the slaves are increasing in numbers, even though their territory is being enlarged at every circle, yet, when we look abroad and see what is now being done in other lands, when we see human freedom engaging the attention of the nations of the earth, we may take courage; and while we perceive how it is assailed in our own land still we know how impossible it will be to separate it from the question of the freedom of the slave, in that it is inseparably connected with it in France, and is beginning to be so in other countries.
 
Have we not evidence of progress even in our own country on this subject?  A large public meeting was called the other day to hail the events of France. Mark the difference in this from former meetings. Why it was scarcely ten years since Pennsylvania Hall was burned by a mob, because the liberty of the colored man was advocated by white and colored people intermingled. What are now the facts with regard to this large meeting in the great public square in the same city? Not only were the movements in regard to Freedom in the French colonies hailed by the white people present, but the colored people also came forward and were helped onward; they had their stand also: and was it confined to themselves alone? No, it was amalgamation meeting!  (Great applause.) Was it by privilege, as women sometimes have the privelege to hold a kind of play meeting?—(Laughter.) No, the white people of that large gathering left their own speakers, to go among the colored crowd, and hear their speaker.

Look also at the condition of the colored people in respect to the ridicule which was heaped upon them. Who are they now who ridicule us, because colored people are mingled in this meeting? It is those whose ridicule is the scorn of the intelligent and wise of the nation.  (Applause.) Now we find the colored people coming forth in intelligence, in moral worth, with increasing self-respect, and are respected by their white brethren; we see them stand side by side with those who have thus cruelly treated, oppressed and trodden them down.
 
These, then, are the evidences of progress.  Let the Abolitionist, who should be as the Jesus of the present age on the Mount Zion of Freedom, continue to say: "Ye have heard that it was said by them of old, thou shalt treat thy slaves kindly, thou shalt prepare them for freedom at a future day; but I say unto you hold no slaves at all, proclaim liberty now throughout the land to all the inhabitants thereof." Let this be the loud sounding jubilee that shall be uttered. Let us no longer be blinded by the dim theology that only in the far seeing vision discovers a millenium, when violence shall no more be heard in the land—wasting nor destruction in her borders; but let us behold it now, nigh at the door—lending faith and confidence to our hopes, assuring us that even we ourselves shall be instrumental in proclaiming liberty to the captive. But let there be increasing activity on the part of Abolitionists: they must not cease their labors and fold their hands, thinking their work done, because they have effected so much: they must not be satisfied with coming to these anniversary meetings, they must continue to work at home. It is the righteous that holds on his way, it is those who are faithful to the light that obtain more light; "he that is faithful in a little, shall be made ruler over more." "But if the light that is in you be darkness, how great is that darkness."  Have we not some apostates in the cause, who give evidence of the truth of this? Are there not some of whom it may be said, "it were better they had never known the way of righteousness, than that they should have turned from the commandments delivered unto them."

Let us go on, then, and make advancement by our faithfulness. When the pulpit cannot be enlisted, nor the Church aroused, it is the duty of Abolitionists to have no longer any fellowship with those unfruitful works of darkness, but rather reprove them, by separating from them, and touching not the unclean thing. Here is the advanced step the Abolitionists have made: in the beginning of their work many of them are enlisted, as some of them still are, with the political movements of the land,-the party politics of the nation.—They hoped by thus uniting with these powers, to effect their work; but they have discovered that the situation of the country, the legal enactments, the statutes that the slave-holders have made, have been altogether tending to rivet the chains of the oppressed.— They have, therefore, found it their duty to declare in the progress they have been called upon to make, that they must obey the command: "get thee from thy father's house, and come into a land that I shall how thee."—- They have found it their duty to come out against the Constitution and Government of the country, as it is at present construed. I know little, however, how to treat this part of the subject. I am glad, however, of the progress evident in this.

Glad also, of the evidence of advancement among Abolitionists as to the commercial and manufacturing relations of the country; it being made known that these are carried on by the gain of oppression, while the North, equally with the South, is "building its houses by unrighteousness, and its churches by wrong, using its neighbor's service without wages, and giving him not for his work." It is beginning to be seen that they must despise the gain of oppression, and deny themselves the blood-bought sweets and the blood-stained cotton that has come through this corrupt channel. They feel that they are called upon not to be partakers of other men's sins, and not to participate in this matter, except so far as in the general admixture of things, they are necessarily involved, while they live in the country. The fact that they are also implicated in other oppressive systems— by the use of the products of human labor, ought not to discourage them. The Abolitionists have also developed the oppression existing in other lands.  They have disclosed the sufferings of those engaged in the various laborious employments in England, Scotland, Ireland, and other portions of Europe. The axe was first laid at the root of the corrupt tree of human slavery, and through this their eyes have been anointed more clearly to behold what are the universal rights of man. None are more ready to assist the oppressed laborer to obtain his rights than they. Let them then be faithful to their trust, so shall their work be blest, not only to the poor slave, but to all those who are in any way wronged and injured. If they are not true to their trust, if they are not united to go on in our work, but suffer themselves for slumber at their posts, what will be the result? Will there not then be reason to fear that the language of the martyr, Charles Mariott, will be fulfilled: "that America—Republican America, will be the last stronghold of Slavery in the civilized world?" (Applause.)

New Anti-Slavery Newspapers.

The Reformer is published weekly by the Newark N.J. Anti-Slavery society at one dollar a year, and is presented to the public, for the "purpose of proposing and expounding the same principles, which were to control the publication of "The Looking Glass."

VIRGINIA IN THE FIELD.-- An emancipation paper, called the Crisis, has just made its appearance at Mandsville, Virginia, edited by AARON BERKSHIRE, who defines his position as follows:

"One object, and we may say the main object we have in presenting the public with this weekly visitor, is, EMANCIPATION- a theme which is now absorbing both the North and South."

"We do not feel at all ashamed to embark in this general crusade against the system of American slavery; as it is a notorious fact, that many of the noblest citizens of the sunny South, have declared in favor of emancipation, as the only means of saving the nation from a premature and disgraceful death. Many, very many, slaveholders, in Virginia, are in favor of a well grounded system of emancipation, and will labor efficiently for its attainment.

The Louisville Examiner tenders the following hearty greeting:

"Welcome, brother, most welcome!-- There are none desiring the removal of slavery, who will not hail the Crisis with pleasure; from all who long or labor for Emancipation, it will receive a hearty "god speed".

"The editor believes the time has come for action in Western Virginia. Doubtless it is so. That vast and fertile region needs only the stimulus of free institutions and free labor, to make it one of the most desirable portions of our land. What section is more healthful?-- Where is there more water-power?-- In what portion of any state can we find a larger amount and variety of mineral resources? Nature has scattered with liberal hand, and most profusely, too, every means of wealth, of power, of sustaining a dense and thriving population, and nothing but slavery has prevented these means from being used long ago."

THE NORTH STAR.
ROCHESTER, MAY 26, 1848
Editorial Correspondence.

Since the recent Anniversaries in New York, I have been occupied in the lecturing field. The interesting events transpiring at home and abroad, makes this a most happy moment for enforcing, from the platform, the great principles of justice and human brotherhood against slavery. At no time in the history of our righteous movement, has there been a better opportunity to instruct and arouse the people on this subject, than at this time. A general desire to hear, is everywhere manifested. This general tide ought not to be lost. Abolitionists ought to improve it, and use it efficiently for the destruction of slavery, with all its hateful crimes. John P. Hale is right in saying that the South is already agitated, and that it is the North that needs to be stirred.

Giddings, Palfrey, and Hale are stirring the South most effectually. The recent speech of the former gentleman in Congress, on the resolution inquiring into the facts relative to our disgraceful mob in the District of Columbia, must have stung, burnt and blistered even the callous and obdurate slaveholders in that House. It is truly a noble sign of the times, when Mr. Giddings can, in the very teeth of Southern men, pronounce every man who enslaves his fellow-man a man-stealer, and hurl defiance at any slaveholder, or combination of slaveholders, who may presume to fetter or limit his right of speech. We look upon this speech as the noblest ever uttered on the floor of Congress. Speeches there have been, even during this session, far above this in point of arrangement and rhetoric, but none equalling this in boldness and power. Every word seems to come warm from the heart, as free and unrestrained as water from a gushing fountain.-- It reads like the speech of a living man, and it possesses a life-giving power. It was in vain for the slaveholders to warn him that his speech might make the slave unhappy in his chains; that he was speaking within hearing of the slaves, and that it might lead them to rebel against their masters. He answered like a man -a brave man- and said though all the slaves in the universe should hear, and be made dissatisfied with their chains, he should yet speak out the sentiments of his heart on the subject. I warn the slaveholders that this man Giddings must be silenced, or the District of Columbia will become free. There is no power on earth that can support slavery where this man is allowed to speak as he has now done, and has promised to persevere in doing. And yet I hardly know how to advise them to stop him. It will not do to censure him. He will make it the occasion of setting the whole country in a blaze of freedom with the power of his defence. It will not do to expel him;-- he will then go home but only to return with new strength, and with a fresh baptism of anti-slavery fire. Nor will it do to kill him;- he would slay more by his death than by his life. I confess to my Southern friends, that I know not how to advise them in their present unhappy predicament. They are evidently in a "bad fix," and upon them devolves the responsibility of getting out of it. Meanwhile I congratulate the slave. Poor toil-worn and plundered bondmen, lift up your hearts!- the heel of the tyrant cannot much longer rest on your heaving bosoms; your deliverance draweth nigh.

I meant to have said more about the anniversaries in the last number, but was prevented by my numerous public engagements. I wish at this time to call especial attention to one resolution adopted by the American Anti-Slavery Society. It is this:

Resolved, That Slaveholders, as such, can have no rights. They have no rightful existence on earth; they were never created by a God; they constitute no part of the human race; they are of monstrous and diabolical origin: and, therefore, no law, no constitution, no compact, no religion, that endorses their humanity, is to be obeyed or tolerated.

At the first, this startling resolution struch me unfavorably. The great truth it contained, and was designed to express, I thought to be obscured by the ambiguity of its language.-- Maturer reflection on the subject has not only removed this obstacle in the way of my adopting it, but has led me to the conclusion that it is one of the clearest, most important and timely words to which anti-slavery ever gave utterance. It clearly defines the position of the slaveholder, as a being that has forfeited all rights, but annihilating all the rights of others. "They have no rightful existence on earth." Startling as this proposition may seem, it is but the reiteration of God--"Whose stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall be surely put to death."-- "They were never created by God." This is simply saying that they are unknown in the creation of God. He made made man, but never a man-stealer. The next affirmation is, that they are of monstrous and diabolical origin. That is to say, that they are, in the language of Jesus, "Of their father, the Devil." The conclusion from these premises is irresistible. No law, constitution, compact, or religion that endorses their humanity, ought to be obeyed or tolerated.

These propositions I regard as most important to be urged just now upon the people of the whole country. While the iron-hearted and brass-browed Calhoun, with his train of merciless man-stealers, are with the utmost audacity standing up in the American Senate, and talking of the rights of slaveholders, and there is in the North an everlasting prating about the "rights of our Southern brethren," it is meet that the American Anti-Slavery Society should confront them all with the bold and startling denial contained in this resolution. It is the right word for the times. It puts into language and force a truth which has lain dormant in the souls of many. God made man with two hands, two feet, and a head, and no more, and he who claims and possesses any more than these, is devil-made, and is a monster, unknown to any law of God or nature, and constitutes no part of the human family. He has forfeited all right be numbered with that great family. He is an outrage upon all law, human and divine. The laws, if we must call them such, that sustain him are monstrous and infernal; and the religion that sustains him, equally so. It is important to keep this point before the whole country, and especially before Southern statesmen. Calhoun and Foote, Bagby and Davis, should know that they are rapidly coming to be regarded and treated as man-stealers--children of the devil.

I have no doubt that the resolution will meet with opposition, even in some quarters of the anti-slavery ranks; but we only ask a calm consideration for it, and I have no fears for the result. However much we may fail to see the truth it contains, the slaveholder will see and feel it, on the first examination. Let it be discussed in every anti-slavery meeting, and adopted, and good will surely come of it.

Among the numerous excellent resolutions adopted by the Annual meeting, was one setting forth the right of slaves to escape, and affirming the duty of abolitionists to help them, and sanctioning the noble Sayres and Drayton in the act of aiding the seventy-seven slaves who attempted to escape from slavery in the District of Columbia.

These men have been stigmatised before the world as "thieves--robbers--pirates--manstealers." The American Anti-Slavery Society comes nobly up; assumes voluntarily all the odium attaching to the act that has caused them to be stigmatized by those foul names, deeming such reproach to be the highest honor that can be conferred upon them. All these names have their right owners, who shall one day have all the honor or disgrace that attaches to them. The man who robs upon the high seas, who gives his victim a chance to fight for his life and property, is a spotless saint, compared with the mean and cowardly villain who will take the babe newly stamped with divinity, in a state of helpless innocence, and doom it to the chains of slavery. Such is every slaveholder in the United States.

During the past week, I have visited New London, Connecticut, and have given four lectures there. The first meeting was but thinly attended, and yet I was assured, that no lecturer on slavery ever called out a larger and more respectable audience in that place. It is by no means a grateful task to abolitionize Connecticut. As a State, it will probably be the last to be reformed. Its piety has eaten out its humanity. The people seem to think themselves about as good as they can be, and that it would be sinful for them to try to be any better than they now are. Slavery, in their estimation, is a sin which it is unrighteous to preach against. This, of course, is a general statement of the case. There are noble exceptions to this rule. There are good men and women in this State and in New London; but as as a mass, this representation accords with their character. It is absolutely bloodchilling to witness the indifference with which the people listen to the thrilling wrongs of the clave, and hear their own crimes and inconsistencies exposed. You look in vain for emotion. No tear of pity at the tale of woe; no look of surprise, mortification, or shame, at the enormities revealed; no manly indignation is evinced at the recital of dastardly deeds; but all is calm and still, as though they were hearing a lecture on geology. The two last meetings in New London were an exception to this description. The audiences manifested a deeper interest in the subject than I had hitherto seen in any part of Connecticut. I think New London about the best part in the State. It borders Rhode Island, and may be indebted to that fact for its superiority. Rhode Island has given the right of suffrage to her colored citizens; Connecticut has denied that right; and has shown herself, in many other respects inferior to her less pious sister.

Besides, New London, I have lectured in Coventry, East Greenwich, Apponaug, and Providence. The meetings in this State have been very satisfactory. A general interest has been created, and a goodly number of subscribers to the North Star obtained. I shall remain East in order to attend the New England Convention; and shall then return immediately to my post at Rochester.
F.D.

CINCINNATI, May 7, 1848.

DEAR DOUGLASS:-- I arrived here on this day week, and have held four meetings on as many different evenings, in two of the churches, all of which meetings have been attended by crowds of anxious listeners.

To-morrow evening, I hold a meeting in the Fifth-Street Congregational Church, (formerly Rev. Mr. Blanchard's,) and I have meetings appointed for every night this week except Saturday. There is certainly more work in the West than one man can possibly attend to, and I believe were Remond to join me at some given point, and we travel together, that the enterprise would be fully justifiable on both sides. The harvest in the West is truly ready, but the laborers are few. Wherever our principles are fully made known, they meet with many who readily subscribe to them; practical anti-slavery being that which the people desire, and at once see the force of. An agent of the Society is therefore much needed, and I not being one, have no power to act for it, my principal business being for the North Star. But there is scarcely a place where I stop and hold one meeting, but there are loud calls to hold successive meetings, so eager are the poeple for the spread of anti-slavery truths. There is one favorable sign of the times--the colored people are beginning to receive the moral suasion doctrine with much more favor than formerly.

They have learned that our war is not against their rights, but against American slavery, and in favor of universal liberty; and that while we readily concede the right to vote, even without disputing or quarrelling with our brethren, either colored or white, upon that point as such, that we will indiscriminatingly strike down all and everything that may come in the way of emancipation and the elevation of our race, be it politics, or false religion, church or State Government; they are at once satisfied, and willing to hold up our hands, bidding us God-speed in our laudable through arduous undertaking. I find the females everywhere most readily subscribe to our doctrine, and I can only account for this from the fact that they themselves are generally oppressed and deprived of their rights by the despotic acts of legislation and false judicature.

Tuesday, 9th.--I held a meeting last evening in Rev. Mr. Boyington's Church, on Sixth street. The house was filled with the most intelligent of both sexes and classes--I mean white and colored. On this evening I was quite unwell, and did not feel able to do justice to my subject, though, being before a new audience, I made no apology. They sat with the greatest attention for one hour, the people showing evidence of a desire for my continuance when I ceased; but having been promised the church for two evenings, I made my dicourse as short as possible on that occasion; but found that I had been mistaken in my calculation about the church, the trustees--the rulers of the people--disliking the positions taken in my lecture, would not give their consent for the holding of another meeting there. This is a fair representation of the anti-slavery sentiment in this community among our white fellow-citizens. So long as we are conservative and time-serving, we may get their churches, but a declaration of truth, through the channel of liberal sentiments, is certain to meet with religious execration.

This is the same church in which Remond lectured when here some years ago, but at that time it was under the pastoral charge of Rev. Mr. Blanchard, who himself being of liberal sentiments and uncompromising in his course, wielded an influence in the church, even among the trustees, that may not now be expected. Then the salvation of the church depended upon Mr. Blanchard; now, it is fully established, and independent of its clergymen, though I know not how he felt towards the course pursued in the lecture.

Wednesday evening the 10th, I lectured in the True Wesleyan Church. The house was full, and we had, as has been the case with all the meetings I have held here, an agreeable meeting, so far as the people, who come evidently eager and anxious to hear, are concerned. I hold another meeting on Friday evening, in Sixth st. Methodist Church.

The people here manifest great desire to bear testimony to anti-slavery truths; and there is nothing which prevents them from hearing but the closing of the churches against them. It is true that there are many large and commodious public halls in the city, but to obtain one of these would be attended with an expense of from ten to twenty-five dollars a night, and expense which we would not be justifiable in incurring. This the churches know; hence the power they wield in the proscriptive position they assume.

There is quite a large population of colored residents in Cincinnati, I suppose about 5,000. Among them there are many families of wealth; and among the young people in particular, there is much intelligence. There are several young men here who have talents of the very highest order, oratory and poetry being familiar themes in their literary course, and many young women who would be an ornament to any society. The intelligence of the more youthful of the children, is particularly attractive, many of them giving the promise of an intellect which, if properly cultivated, may beam forth in future with brilliancy. The young men and women generally, who are the most intelligent and the best qualified, are mainly indebted for their qualifications to their own exertions.-- This is highly praiseworthy, and commends itself to every lover of the human family.-- Still, the young people, as such, especially the young men, have not in general come up to that standard of duty which the three millions of American slaves, and six hundred thousand nominally free colored people of the non-slaveholding States, so loudly call for an imperatively demand.

The young people, I have said, do not keep pace with the spirit of the age, though there is much to commend among them. The aged generally are the capitalists, but not having had in their youth the advantages of education, cannot make such investment, and enter into such enterprises with their money, as are necessary for the advancement of society.-- This, of course, is the legitimate business and expected of their sons and daughters.-- Now if their children manifest no such inclination, but, on the contrary, appear indifferent to the import and insensible of the advantages to be derived from such a course of domestic enterprise, it is apparent that there is much cause for censure or reproof.

Some years ago, there were many young men and women, who possessed a final capital, some of whom being the children of Southerners, who, moved by the impulses of nature, brought them to this city, bought property for them, schooled them, and gave them ample means for a respectable livelihood. If those young men and women who, having the qualifications and means, had invested their capital and embarked in different business, such as confectionaries, variety shops, shoe stores, dry goods, and fancy millinery establishments, all of which are among the staple business of this place, and which many of the young men and women could have admirably succeeded in; which, I am sorry to say, they did not do, but rather were disposed to live at ease, upon what they had, forgetting the maxim, that "always taking out of the meal-tun, and putting nothing in, will soon come to the bottom."--Much might have been done by the young people of this city, more than what has been.

Anti-slavery is but a beggarly element in this region, and, save a few exceptions, in which our friends of the Herald are included, an Eastern anti-slavery man might well suppose himself to be in Kentucky. Of course, in this I except the colored residents, who, while they are all anti-slavery, have not, as yet, given the subject, aside from its political aspects, any or much thought. I am pleased to see the readiness with which the greater part admit the truthfulness of our position, and subscribe to many of our views; and while many believe in the ballot-box as one of the most effectual means of attaining the great end sought--the overthrow of the infernal system of American slavery; yet they do not hesitate to acknowledge that moral suasion is accomplishing, practically, what is will take ages for politics to do--that is, social equality. It is a fact well worthy of remark, that one of the most intelligent colored gentlemen observed to me, that "the anti-slavery people of Cincinnati and the colored people, have no intercourse nor acquaintance, only being brought together on great or extraordinary occasions, such as great meetings, conventions, lectures, &c., when the colored people take no part among the whites, they doing the whole business, the colored looking on in silence. This truth is verified by the fact, that it is with the utmost difficulty that you can find a colored lady or gentlemen in this city who feel themselves at liberty to introduce you to an abolitionist. They stand off from them with as much deferential awe as Charles to his lord and master, the "great embodiment." I administer this rebuke to the respectable colored residents of this city, because I am acquainted with them, and love them and their worth too much to see them thus duped or imposed upon by the mock anti-slavery in Cincinnati.

You will be pleased to learn that I have met with Mary E. Miles, late of Boston, the amiable and untiring friend of the slave and humanity, who came to this city some six months since, to assist in the High School of Mr. Hiram Gilmore, and thus more effectually contributes to the promotion of her oppressed race in this land of liberty, Bibles, whips, thumb-screws, human yokes, hand-cuffs, and chains.

The colored citizens here take great interest in the North Star, and are doing a good deal for it, and promises much. This is foreboding of good, but arises altogether from the confidence they have in the continuance of the paper. In this they are right, as they have been so frequently deceived by papers in their own State coming up and as speedily going down, that now they are determined first to "be sure they are right, then go ahead."

There were none contributed more to the interest of the paper here, by getting subscribers, than Miss Miles and Miss Caroline Brooks, who is also a colored lady, and one of the most amiable and best of persons. To those ladies much is due for their untiring efforts. Many gentlemen am I indebted to, but as these are numerous, and everywhere lend a liberal aid, I do not design to name them in this connection.

I intend visiting the Colored Orphans' Asylum, High School and other schools, Boyd's Cabinet establishment, when, in my next, I shall give you an account of the property or real-estate holders, and business, among the colored residents in this city.

There is now here a Rev. Mr. King, formerly of Scotland, who fell heir to several slaves, men, women and children, and who determined on settling them in Canada on land of their own, and has arrived thus far on his way, in company with them, and has held several meetings in the famous Dr. Rice's church. Being constantly engaged, I have not had time to hear him or to see his people, which I design doing if possible.

The Ohio river is very high just now, and commerce brisk.
Yours, for God and Humanity.
M. R. D. 

Preparations for the First of August.

A large meeting was held on Monday evening, the 22nd, in this city, to devise ways and means for an appropriate observance of that auspicious event which conferred the boon of freedom to 800,000 human beings in the British West Indies. From the enthusiasm manifested, it may be hoped that the celebration will exceed any of former years.-- All the friends of humanity, will be cordially invited to participate.

Due notice will be given through the columns of the North Star as soon as arrangements are consummated.

M. R. DELANY.--We perceive, from the Cincinnati papers, that M. R. Delany's lectures are exciting much discussion in that city. We have not room this week for an extended notice, but will probably in a future number make a few selections.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

N. J., New Bedford.--Received.
S. B., Worcester.--Received.
W. K., Peru.--Favor gratefully acknowledged.
M. & G., Zanesville.--The whole list are regularly mailed.
M. A. T., New Brighton--The directions will be observed. Only awaiting return of M.R.D.
M. G., Philadelphia.--Many thanks for the effort.
Correspondents will all be attended to soon. Be patient.


The New York Evangelist and Garrisonianism.

To distinguish between things that differ is by no means an easy task for some minds. From the time when Demetrius, who made silver shrines for the goddess Diana, and raised the cry in Ephesus, "Great is Diana of Ephesians!" down to the present day, interested parties have always been the first and the most bitter enemies of all new opinions. The mantle of the silversmith has descended through generation after generation of infamous priests and persecuting bigots--of Popish inquisitions, Star Chambers, and burnings at Smithfield--of cruel and tyrannical bishop Lauds, and Bonners, and Judge Jeffries; and it now hangs, with what grace it may in its present tattered and worn-out condition, on the shoulders of such enemies of progress and reform, as the Reverend Doctor Cox and the New York Evangelist. All these have imagined, or would have the world believe that they imagined, that truth was with them alone, and that all the rest of mankind were sunk in the deepest error--travelling to destruction headlong. Humility unparalleled! Poor simple-minded men, how grievously they have been mistaken! Their creed, such as it has been--such as it is, was not--is not one hair's-breadth nearer the truth, in consequence of their belief in it. Bishops Laud and Bonner, and colleagues, of the past and present day, have not been able, with all their efforts, open and insidious, to stay the spread of heresy. It has been an oft-repeated, but up to this time, badly understood doctrine, that it is utterly impossible to prevent the ultimate overthrow of error, and the ultimate triumph of truth. So that all the supporters of error may still say, in the spirit, and some of them with the motive of the beforementioned Demetrius, "the temple of the great goddess Diana, is in danger." "Great is Diana of Ephesians!" The craft, probably, being uppermost in their minds, while making the assertion.

The Editor of the New York Evangelist of last week, in the fulness of his candor and generosity, takes advantage of the publication of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society's Report, to have a fling at what he is pleased to call "Garrisonianism." He says, after quoting some garbled statements of receipts and expenditure--

"These items show how rapidly that party is waning; and also show where the responsibility is of keeping up the whole system of disorganizing agitations, of which it is the centre. It rests upon those who support the great annual fair at Faneail Hall. Take that away, and it must die for want of food."

The New York Evangelist, notwithstanding this ebullition of hate against "disorganizing agitations," knows, as every one else knows, that the Anti-Slavery cause was never more hopeful, or exhibited more vigorous signs of vitality, that at the present time. He may, if he please, "lay the flattering unction to his soul," that some such cause as that of which he speaks, will stay the efforts of "disorganizing agitators," and thus save hypocritical professions of zeal for the cause of religion and humanity, from merited exposure and reproof; in that, however, he is most eggregiously mistaken. Their task is an arduous one, requiring no ordinary degree of courage and resolution; but they will preserve to the end, undaunted by difficulty, undismayed by danger, [?], or opposition.

The New  York Evangelist says further--

"I do not pretend to divine all the motives by which the wealthy and conservative citizens of Boston are induced to extend so liberal a patronage to these fairs. Perhaps many do it through inadvertence--they feel a little interest in the Anti-Slavery cause, they wish to do a little for it, and to do that little without having their names published; and so they go to the fair, as if that was helping the slave. Many, doubtless, uphold the fair for political reasons because the part expend their chief bitterness against those who wish to carry their Anti-Slavery principles thoroughly into politics. And I believe that others feel an interest in the fair, as a means of weakening the influence of religious institutions among us."

"Do not pretend to divine the motives." You had much better not; it will be a mere waste of time for you to make the attempt. Pray, can you ever divine the motives which lead any one to the performance of a praiseworthy act? Why, then, do you go on to do exactly what you say you will not do? You make here three attempts to "divine the motives which lead the citizens of Boston to extend so liberal a patronage to these fairs." But your divination is of the meanest and most unsatisfactory order. Your object apparently being to get as far from the truth as possible, each attempt is of course more absurd and ludicrous--more indecently false and irrational, than the preceding. "Through inadvertence, not wishing to have their names published." One supposition is as good as another, where all supposition is invalidated by fact. That one should go to a fair through "inadvertence" is sufficiently strange and unaccountable; but how, or on what principle of why and because, he should go there, in order that his name "should not be published," is a problem at the solution of which even Euclid would stand aghast. This is a new discovery in the science of optics--That which is the most visible is least seen. All honor to the discoverer! When one wishes to avoid observation, he must go where there are many of his friends and acquaintances. Probably this Editor, when he is desirous of moments of quiet and seclusion, hides himself in the centre of Broadway. They don't want to have their names published, and "so they go to the fair"! Names are generally understood to be only the representatives of things. People don't set a very high value on the shadow, when they can get the substance. When they have the man himself, they don't concern themselves much about his name. The common sense mode of judging about these "citizens of Boston" would be, either that they went there without any ulterior motive, or because they approve of the object; and "so they go to the fair." But there are "many who go to the fair for political reasons." What these political reasons are, and how they operate, it is difficult to divine. Better a bad reason than none--or, according to the Irish rendering of the proverb, "Better bad luck, than no luck at all." The editor must certainly have had this idea in his head, when he found this motive for going to the fair. "Because," says he, "the party expend their chief bitterness against those who wish to carry their Anti-Slavery principles thoroughly into practice." Sam Weller could see through a brick wall and a deal door, and the windings of the staircase, with the help of a double-magnifying microscope, just about as well as another. So can the editor of the New York Evangelist. "Far fowls have fair feathers;" and far-fetched reasons are of course fair on a like account. Words would be wasted on such nonsense.

There is still another attempt of this writer who does not "pretend to divine motives," to discover why the "respectable citizens of Boston go to the fair;" and he had much better have come to this at once, as in it all the gist of his argument and all the malice of his spleen are concentrated: it is--"the fair a means of weakening the influence of religious institutions among us." In the language of the Ephesian Demetrius, "religious institutions" meant, the great goddess Diana and her silver shrines; in the language of persecuting popes, cardinals and bishops, it has long been understood to mean, bigotry, superstition, intolerance, priestcraft, and the wealth, and power, and influence which their position as popes, and cardinals, and bishops conferred upon them. In the language of the New York Evangelist, may not "religious institutions" be understood to mean something analogous to these? There is standing in society at stake; there orthodoxy at stake; and the hypocritical processions of superior sanctity and zeal for religion, are in danger of being made manifest; for "Garrison and his colleagues," under the influence of "consideration of truth, justice, and decency," will not suffer your hollow mockery--your pretended sympathy with suffering humanity, to stalk on unblushingly and without exposure.

Verily, this entire effusion is a pitiful conglomeration, both melancholy and ridiculous. It reminds one altogether too forcibly of Falstaff's estimate of his ragged regiment-- "Food for powder--food for powder! They will stop a shot as well as the best."--J. D.

The Bright Side.

It is cheering to the traveller, as he trudges along the road, to be reminded by consecutive landmarks, that he is gradually making progress in the right direction, although the end of his journey may still be far distant. It is cheering to the sailor, as he navigates the vast and trackless ocean, to find that his longitude daily increases, and that he may reasonably expect in due season to reach the desired haven. It is cheering to the man who has an object in view, and is laboring to accomplish that object, to learn, from incontrovertible signs, that his labors are not in vain; an even a very small gleam of light and encouragement will serve to illumine his path, and send him on his way of rejoicing. The friends of humanity and of the slave, must rejoice in every indication, however fait, that seems to point in the direction of freedom and justice. The following is one of these indications, taken from the New York Evening Post. It is an extract from a letter of a Southern correspondent. Would that the signs of progress, of which the writer makes mention, were more decided and unequivocal! But we must be thankful for such favors as we can get from that quarter.

"Within the last three years--within the last year, indeed--a most remarkable change has spread over, or rather under, the South, on the subject of slavery. I know several men high in office in slave States, who opening condemn the system of slavery--some such are members of legislatures, others hold high appointments of a judicial character. The tremendous moral force of progress elsewhere, has, among other things, led to this. The Washington Era and the Louisville Examiner have numerous readers in these States. Why, the mere fact that Southerners subscribe for such prints, call for them at the post office, and have them laying open on their tables, is a long stride over the prejudices of a few seasons since. Nor is the time distant, when a powerful force in the Southern local press, will turn the logic and speculation at its command, to discussions of the best means for removing the evil of slavery, the time being past to discuss the point whether it be an evil, and one which every consideration of profit, as well as right, impels the American people to prevent spreading any more. There are several papers at the South, which are even now on the eve of taking this stand, papers which see nothing to dread in that terrible Wilmot Proviso. That capital will be sought for, out of abusing such a course by base and pandering politicians, is very likely at first. But though the first plunge of cold bath makes one wince, the effect is none the less salutary; and thus it will be with those of the Southern editors, who form what you will see--the vanguard of Anti-Slavery in the South itself.

"Among the difficulties you radicals at the North may have to annoy you, let the least of your thoughts be given to any obstacles from the people of the South; for such obstacles you will never see. Thousands of hearts imbued with freedom and patriotism, watch you from the slave States, with earnest prayers for your success in putting a bar to the territories where human bondage is established by law. Thousands will hail your triumph as the triumph of the real interests of the future generations of the South. For years the sons of Virginia, the Carolinas, and other slave States, have seen themselves outstripped in wealth, power, and enterprise, but the north; and now see the same superiority increasing at the west. They know the reason. They will soon begin to think of applying the remedy."

It is exceedingly difficult to place much confidence in these predictions. Still they point to the fact, which will not now be disputed, that the freemen of the South are beginning to discover that Slavery has been working against their interests; and that they can never compete with the North in "wealth, power, or enterprise," until the last vestige of the blighting curse is rooted out for ever.--J. D.

VALUABLE WIFE.--A blacksmith, named Osborn, offered himself as bail at the N. Y. Court of Sessions, for a prisoner whose trial was put off to the next term. "Are you surely worth $55 above all your debts!? inquired the Recorder. "Why, sire, I hold my wife to be worth $500 at least, without counting property." "The court is satisfied; take his bail," replied the Recorder.

☞ There are two things which ought to teach us to think but meanly of human glory--the very best have had their calumniators, and the very worst their panegyrists.

HAYTI.--The New Orleans papers have just issued what purports to be late news form Port-au-Prince. Revolution and bloodshed appears to be the order of the day; but so much exaggeration generally characterizes Haytian news, via, New Orleans, that we must wait for definite intelligence.

Try.

Some men there are who are ever desponding and fearful. They are always anticipating failure; and to make failure certain, they never TRY to succeed. A considerable portion of this disinclination to effort must be attributed to indolence; they fear work. Better by far is it to fear any-the merest spectre of the imagination, than this. No man who was afraid of work ever achieved anything good, or great, or useful. Nothing that is worth doing can be accomplished without labor. There is no royal road to anything else, any more than to learning. Jupiter helps the cart out of the rut, when the driver puts his shoulder to the wheel. Alexander would not have conquered the Old World, nor Columbus discovered the New, nor American freed herself from English tyranny, nor--to descend to much meaner men and doings--would President Polk, with the help of Gen. Taylor and others, have conquered Mexico, if he had not TRIED.

I sat at the base of a lofty mountain, wondering if it were possible ever to reach the summit. Gloomy, overhanging precipices are to be seen all along its sides. Here, it appears rough, ragged, insurmountable; there, yawning gulfs seem ready to receive and swallow up the adventurous traveller. Shall I try to ascend, or shall I remain at the foot? First, let me answer this question--Is any gain to be secured by venturing up the rugged sides of that lofty mountain?-- Will the wide extended prospect, and the beautiful scenery, and the excitement of the enterprise, afford a sufficient compensation for my labor? I answer, Yes. Then arise and walk.-TRY!--If it is worth doing, try whether it can be done. Nothing is exactly what at a distance it seems to be. On a nearer approach, the precipices become surmountable, and the yawning gulfs lose their terrors; and the distance from the summit lessens--lessens--lessens! at every step! Courage, fait heart! Let "Never despair" be your motto, and a strong will your helper, and great indeed must be the difficulties and vast the obstacles that you will not surmount.

More frequently among colored young men is the deficiency of energy to be found. They have been so long accustomed to hear themselves called inferior to the whites, that they have almost learned to believe there is truth in the assertion. There may be a kind of inferiority--it is nothing to the purpose whether there is or not; but none even of the most talented, whether black, or white, or red, or any other shade of color whatever, can afford to waste his time in idle indifference or in hopeless listlessness. He cannot do any good either to himself or to any one else thus; but he may be able to accomplish much--everything, if he will but put forth his energies, and call into requisition the little word TRY. TRY helped Homer to write his Iliad--Shakespeare to write his plays--Milton to write his Paradise Lost. TRY is the highway to knowledge--to respectability-- to influence. TRY is the first step up the side of Mount Parnassus; the first conquest over science--art--literature. It was TRY that first guided Raphael's pencil--that first directed Chantrey's chisel--that first wielded Bacon's pen. Let not one failure discourage--TRY again. Let not many failures discourage.--TRY again. Never cease to TRY, till you cease to live; and if you od not accomplish all that you desire, you will at least accomplish much more than if you had never tried at all. Do you wish to be learned--to be intelligent--to be useful--to be respected! YOu may be all these, if you will but TRY.--J. D.

Communications.

DENMARK, 30th of 4th month, 1848.

FRIEND W. C. NELL:--The Star answers my expectations. I feel a deep interest in the anti-slavery enterprise, and I shall cheerfully aid in sustaining the paper as long as it continues to breathe the spirit of liberty and truth. I have long wished to see our colored friends laboring in the great field of truth and reform. I hope the North Star will live until the bonds of slavery are all broken and all our colored people will feel it to be a truth.

I rejoice to see great nations coming forward with their declarations of freedom to the slave! The wide spread influence of abolition principles among all nations, is ominous of good to the poor in bonds. We have nothing at present to discourage us, as a mysterious providence is at work for the oppressed in all lands. I would say, to all of the down-trodden "loop up and lift your heads, for your redemption draweth near."

The religious world (so far as the United States are concerned,) are behind the legislative bodies among the nations, in acting the part of the good Samaritan. The profound silence in all professed gospel churches, on the great reforms of the day, and in a special manner the abolition reform, shows how deep the sin of slavery has been stamped in the so called church.

I would say to the poor, depressed, crusaded, down-trodden slave, As God looked down on the oppression of his people in ancient Egypt, so he looks on the slavery of this nation! and their cries have come up before him, and the wheels are not in motion that will bring to them the long expected jubilee. Oh then, ye friends of the slave, work on! We are engaged in glorious work--far more glorious than those that fight in fields of gore to obtain the laurels of war.

There is still a great labor to be accomplished by the friends of the oppressed. It cannot be accomplished by political action, under a pro-slavery constitution. We must all unite in the work of persuasion, and touch the understanding, the sympathy, the feelings, the interest, the honor, the character, and the reputation of the free!

Who hold the millions in bonds? At present, it is the free men, in the free States, that keep the fetters on the slave! Let the free Northern States take off their hands from the slave, and our labor is half done!

Yours, &c.,
DAVID WAITE.

ASHLAND, O., May 9, 1848.

MR. DOUGLASS--Dear Sir:--I sit down to write you a few lines in behalf of my colored friends that were sold a few days ago from Washington and Georgetown. It makes my very blood boil in my veins; but I hope the Lord is with them, for they have been swindled out of their rights, and robbed even the protection of the law, which men of that place call justice.

I have just received a letter from Georgetown, and learn that many young men with whom I had been raised were sold. It made my very heart ache. Two of those young men had paid partly for themselves. One of them was Thomas Taylor, of Georgetown, owned by lawyer Marbury, who is writing in the War Department at this time. The other one is owned by Mr. Curtis, of that place, who also is in public office. The rest of the names I did not receive, but will get next week.   Yours, &c.,
J. R. BRADLEY.

N. B.--I see that Delany is doing wonderfully well in the south part of this State; and I hope that every colored man in this State will improve his talents, as I am trying to do myself, so that they may be able to advance the cause of the millions in the South.
J. R. B.

To Rev. Henry Slicer, Chaplain U. S. Senate.
Communicated for the Tribune.

DEAR SIR:--In my letter to the editor of the Albany Journal, describing the scene at the Railroad Depot, I mentioned the fact that you, being present, greeted the Baltimore slavedealer by extending to him the hand of friendship while he was actually employed in one of the most revolting crimes that ever disgraced humanity. I am unaware that that statement, or any other part of the letter contained any slur upon the Church with which you are connected, unless a discredit may be reflected upon it by the circumstance that it contains within its bosom those who uphold, by influence of position, the abomination of slavery. It remains to be seen, sir, whether the course you pursued at the cars, could, by fair inference, be supposed to encourage slavery and slavedealers.

In your address to me through the columns of the Union, you say distinctly, "I shook hands with Mr. S.," and that you would do so with any one. The accuracy of my description of other parts of the drama you do not in the least deny; you do not say that the tears were not falling from the eyes of the separated husbands and wives, parents and children; you do not deny that the scene was revolting to a feeling heart.

Yet, in the midst of this revolting spectacle, you strike hands with the prime actor!-- You are so little affected by the brutal business, that you can calmly recognize and shake hands with the dealer. Now, sir, I ask you, if from these circumstances, which you do not deny, and those which you distinctly admit, and honest inference might not be drawn, that you justify slavery?" Let us see.

Upon this point, you say you went into the cars to see Henry, a member of your church. It is true, that while one of Henry's hands was heavily ironed to that of a fellow victim, you shook the other, and passed the ordinary salutation with him. When he was about starting to a land of torture and early death--to that Hades of this nation--you had not a word of consolation, no word of hope for this tender lamb of your flock. But you did enter into conversation with his tormentor. With him you talked freely, and smiled in the presence of those victims, amid a scene that should have pierced with pain and horror the hardest heart. What must have been Henry's emotions when he saw that hand, from which he had received the emblems of Christ's body and blood, now extended to greet the wretch who was consigning him to a premature grave? By this act, expressing, not censure, but encouragement, did you not justify the trade in human beings? Did you not assame the moral responsibility of the slave-dealer? Can you give countenance to one engaged in a crime, without partaking of his criminality? Would you grasp the red right hand of the assassin? Would you reach forth your hand in amity to one that holds the torch of incendiarism? Would the community--would your own conscience--hold you guiltless of the blow that pierced the victim, or of the act that fired the dwelling? You cannot give aid and countenance to a man engaged in crime without assuming his moral responsibility!

Yes, while a person is engaged in what your church esteems to be a crime--while he is doing an act which you should utterly and unequivocally condemn, you meet him, shake hands with him, converse in a smiling manner, utter no reproof or warning, and (I ask you if the inference is not fairly drawn) justify his deed of baseness and crime. If this inference, expressed plainly as first, with the circumstances that gave birth to it, as correctly as I could then ascertain them, seems to you to be an unkind slur upon your church; I beg to assure you that you wrongly interpret my meaning. The inference has reference solely to yourself, and loses its weight when extended to other. If you believe that the reputation of your church will suffer when it is known that one of its ministers encourages traffic in the bodies and souls of men, you will also see that the responsibility rests with you and not with me.

I have thus far through life entertained a high opinion of the doctrines of the Methodist Church, as well as the general character of its members. I did not mention the facts alluded to for the purpose of casting odium upon that body of Christians. Neither Christ nor his real followers were disgraced by the conduct of Judas. Nor did Christ teach us to cover up the sins of hypocrisy. On the contray, he himself was the first to proclaim the wickedness of his unworthy follower.

In my letter I desired to inform my readers that professing Christians not only hold slaves but sell them; and that a professed Christian minister gave the hand of friendship to a slavedealer enraged in the actual perpetration of outrages at which humanity shudders. But I have since made full inquiry as to Slater's relation to the Methodist Church. I find that his connection generally are of that faith; that he himself contributes to the support of that denomination from the treasure acquired in the traffic of human flesh; that he owns a permanent pew in a Methodist Church in Baltimore, and that his wife and daughter are members, but that he is not actually a communicant. With these facts, I presume, you must have been familiar; and when you took him by the hand, and case your eye over the victims around him, you must have been conscious that a portion of the treasure for which the bones and muscle, the blood and sinews of those mothers and babes that were to be sold, would go to sustain the church and ministry to which you belong.

You intimate that such prostitutions of the office of preacher and of the character of our holy religion are none of my business. The remark gives the character of its author. For months have I been accustomed reverently to listen to the voice of your supplication to a pure and holy God in behalf of our country. That voice I subsequently heard addressing a slavedealer in tones of friendship, without a word of reproof, while he was in the actual perpetration of crimes of the blackest dye.-- Those hand which I have so often seen raised to heaven in prayer, were given in friendly salutation to a notorious slavedealer. Was this none of my business? Do you believe I could again hear you provoke the wrath of heaven by craving its blessings?

Would that I were able to impress you with those feelings of sensibility exhibited by the great Founder of our religion. But I feel humbled when I reflect upon the tone and sentiments of your communication. In that most extraordinary letter there is not one word of reproof for slavedealers or slaveholders. Nor have I ever heard you in your preaching allude to this horrid traffic carried on in this city. Such was not the preaching of the immaculate Nazarene. He exposed the iniquities of the people--laid open their sins to the observation of mankind, and proclaimed to them the consequences.

You say you have never known a Methodist engaged in the slave trade. Sir, have you not known your own church members sell their slaves? Do they not buy slaves? Does either the selling or buying of slaves exclude them from your communion? No, sir; I must be wrongly informed if you do not administer the Holy Sacrament to men who barter the image of God for paltry gain; and that, too, without even reproof from you or your church! Now, the principle is the same whether a man sell one slave or a thousand; if slavery is right, so is slavedealing. If it is right for a man to rob his brother of his liberty, to disrobe him of his humanity, and reduce him to a mere brute, it cannot be wrong to sell him.

Your effort to cast odium upon Henry for an attempt to regain the rights with which God had endowed him, and of which he had been robbed, exhibits an insensibility to human rights which, for a Christian minister, is too appalling to contemplate. Was it wrong for God to bestow upon him that inherent love of liberty with the right to enjoy it? Was it wrong in this unfortunate youth to seek to regain the liberty which God and nature designed for him, and of which he was deprived? There can be but one answer given to such questions.

I am surprised at your efforts to free yourself from the charge of justifying slavery, while I am aware that in common conversation you have no hesitancy to express your approbation of the institution, and you hostility to the attempts made for its abolition.

Your remarks in regard to Presbyterian ministers, I have fully considered. The minister to whom I alluded was of another denomination, as I am informed on reliable authority. I am ready to give at any time that I may deem it proper, the name of the denomination and of the person. My intention in this note was to refer to matters personal to yourself, and those parts of your communication relevant to the matter at issue. Here, for the present, at least, I leave the whole subject, which I have reviewed with reluctance. But, sir, let me assure you that when man shall understand his duties to his fellow-man, when the principles of the gospel shall be acknowledged, then your letter will get regarded as showing the callousness of a minister in this slaveholding age!

I am. &c,
JOHN I. SLINGERLAND.
WASHINGTON, May 10, 1848.

Scenes at Washington.

While witnessing the demonstration of the miscreants at the Era Office last night, I ventured to express an opinion to a gentlemen present, in opposition to the pervading feeling of the mob, and upon passing across the street, was topped by one of the gang, who wished to know whether I was an abolitionist. "I AM," said I, "and what are you going to do about it?" (Beginning to pull off his coat.) "Your are, are you?" said he. "Yes! and if you wish to save your skull you'd better move out of my way." I raised a good hickory cane that I hale din my hand, but was immediately pulled aside by a gentleman who accompanied me, and who boards in our mess. He begged of me to leave, as some few of the mob had marked me. I politely informed him that I should go where I thought fit, and if they wished to make an issue with me, I was prepared for them. I did remain till near one o'clock, with my blood fully up to the boiling point while there, and in fact during the entire night. Oh, that they could have had a Napolean there to teach them a lesson with grape and cannister! His lessons were summary and effectual to a mob.

The anti-slavery Members of Congress are threatened, and even now, while I write, a gang of the ruffians are concocting their hellish schemes at one of the public hotels of the city to mob them. Citizens are afraid to move; the police are overawed; clerks in the different departments of the General Government are ringleaders in the mob, with lawyers, doctors, and city councilmen. And yet they are all a miserable set of cowards. If you will only meet them with firmness, they cower before you like whipped curs. Six resolute men guarded the Era office last night and kept the whole gang of five hundred at bay, and I believe that fifty good men, such as I could pick out in old Cuyahoga, could drive the entire barbarous slavery horde into the Potomac at the point of the bayonet.

In haste.    E. L. S. 

From the Boston Courier.

VISIT TO THE PRISON.-- * * * In this gathering place of the knowing men and great rogues of the land, there was one person whom I was most desirous of seeing and rendering honor to, and whom I first sought. And where do you think I sought him? In the White-house--in the Senate--in the Speaker's chair? No! But in the prison locked up alone in a gloomy dungeon, that had no window, or chair, or bed--that offered him only its stone wall to lean against when weary, and its stone floor to lie down when he sought sleep.

It was only with much trouble and difficulty, and with the aid of men who are held in fear by the "powers that be," that I was allowed to visit him.

You know of course whom I mean--Drayton, the chief actor in the late noble and daring attempt to free four-score human beings from slavery and degradation. He seems made for a solider in such a cause; bold, stern, determined, ready to do battle unto death in the cause of right. He is in the fullness of manhood--a tall, stalwart fellow, whose strongly-marked features and steady eye denote character and courage, and whose open and ingenuous countenance inspire confidence and respect. He will have need, I fear, of all his vigor of body, and all his strength of mind, to bear up against the cruel treatment which has already begun, and which may last until his frame, now so vigorous and erect, is bowed down with age, and his eye, now so clear and stern, is dimmed with the shadows of death.

He is aware of his position and his danger; indeed, he was well aware of the risk he ran, and counted the cost before he set out upon his enterprise, and provided for his family in case of his capture. He is now in the iron grip of the law, made by slaveholders themselves to protect what they call their property in the bodies and souls of human beings, and made as sharp and strong as the wit of wicked men could make it. The law, too, is administered with a cruelty that is revolting. The man has been kept, till now, au secret, as it is called by the few European governments which preserve this relic of inquisitorial treatment. He is considered guilty--he is virtually refused bail--he is cut off from communion with his friends--he is put to the torture of solitude and suspense--he is treated, in short, worse than would be a felon or murderer And all this cruelty--where, and for what? Why, in the capital, and under the flag of that people whose shibboleth is "liberty," whose creed is the right of every man to the pursuit of happiness, and for the crime of helping men to pronounce that shibboleth, and live by that creed!

The excitement among the slaveholders is still intense--their wrath is still hot, and they mean to make Drayton drag out a life of misery, and be a living beacon to deter others from attempting to knock off the shackles of their slaves. The punishment for stealing a slave with a view of selling him, is imprisonment for 7 to 20 years, at hard labor; for taking him with a view of setting him at liberty, it is payment of his market value, a fine of $200, and imprisonment in the jail.

With a refinement of cruelty, they mean to convict Drayton of the crime of stealing slaves for own gain; and lest he might live 29 years, and then go out a grey-headed man from his prison, they mean to bring an indictment for each slave whom he tried to carry off.

Failing in the attempt to convict him of the first offence, they mean to convict him of the second, and in one way or the other, to glut their vengeance upon him.

Address of Anti-Slavery Woman of Western New York.

Under a deep and abiding impression of the duty we own to God and our fellow beings, the Anti-Slavery women of Rochester feel constrained to continue to persevere in their efforts for the oppressed and suffering bondmen who still remain toiling unrequited in the Southern prison house. We are frequently brought painfully to remember that not only is their labor wrested from them unremunerated; not only do they suffer from intense hunger and cold; not only are the females, OUR SISTERS; but there are daily instances of sundering the dearest ties in nature, thus separating them forever. And can we expect anything better--can we look for benevolence or fine feelings from a system so foul and fiendish as slavery? It would be unreasonable, because "a corrupt tree cannot bring forth good fruit." Therefore, knowing that without associative action we cannot render efficient aid to this holy cause, we affectionately invite the co-operation of the citizens of Rochester and the public generally. We ask them to bear in mind the injunctions of Jesus, "All things whatsoever ye would men should do to you, do ye even so to them." Remember, also, the beautiful parable in which he calls our attention to the sick and to those who are in prison, and concludes by the forcible assertion, "Inasmuch as ye have done it to one of the least of these, my brethren, ye have done it unto me." We feel assured all that have hearts to feel, and are careful to attend to the monitions of conscience--all who are determined to live for the good of our race, instead of devoting all their time to their own personal ease--all who feel bound to improve the precious time allotted to them here, by promoting as much as possible the cause of truth and righteousness in the earth, will come forward in the work of laboring to banish forever the demon of slavery from our land; and in so doing, instead of an example of corruption and wickedness, we should be a "light to the world."

We hope no one will feel too poor, nor any too rick, to enlist in this holy cause. The Christian's influence, in whatever situation, is always salutary, and will certainly produce its good effects. We ask for the aid of men and women;--we call on the old and the young, the farmer, the mechanic, and the merchant. We ask all and every one to give us their help; to devote what they can spare, either of money or of the fruits of their labor, to the work of restoring men and women to themselves, to their manhood, to the rights and blessings with which they were endowed by our Creator.

For this object, we propose holding a Fair in December next. We ask the females in the adjoining towns and country around us, to get up sewing circles, and prepare such articles as will be most saleable, and to come, furnish tables, give us their company, and help us, not only in selling those things thus prepared, but in convincing the public mind of the necessity of our perseverance and fidelity, and thus be helpers in hastening the day of emancipation.

ABIGAL BUSH,  Rochester
SARAH D. FISH,  do.
SARAH L. HALLOWELL,  do.
MARY H. HALLOWELL,  do.
SARAH A. BURTIS,  do.
MARGARET A. LARSON,  do.
ELIZABETH SULLY,  do.
PHEBE TREADWELL,  do.
CHARLOTTE S. WILBUR,  do.
HULDA ANTHONY,  do.
RHODA DE GARMO,  do.
CATHARINE G. BRAITHWAITE,  do.
SARAH E. THAYER,  do.
CATHARINE A. F. STEBBINS,  do.
AMY POST,  do.
HENRIETTA PLATT,  Bath.
SUSAN R. DOTY,  Farmington.
MARIA WILBUR,  do.
ELIZABETH SMITH,  do.
ESTHER HATHAWAY,  do.
CAROLINE HALSTEAD,  Walworth.
JULIA PARKER,  do.
ELIZA COOPER,  Williamson.
AMY MOTT,  do.
REBECCA M. C. CAPRON,  Auburn.
C. G. HAMBLIN,  Port Byron.
MARGARET PRIOR,  Waterloo.
MARY ANN MCCLINTOCK,  do.
LAURA MURRAY,  Victor.
MRS. MACKINTYRE,  Darien.

DIED.

In Cambridge, 8th inst. Mr. Albert J. Lewis, aged 33.

Thus has the destroying angel stricken down, in the prime of his life, a worthy and industrious man.-- With a mind well stored with useful knowledge Mr. Lewis possessed conversational powers rarely equaled, and he always exerted them to instruct and amuse those in his company. He was a firm friend of the slave, and watched with intense interest the efforts of the abolitionists in his behalf. The kindness and affection that he showed his aged mother will never be forgotten. Although his friends are deeply afflicted by his death, they have every reason to believe that he has gone to join his heavenly Father in that world where sorrow never comes.   J. M. L.

Being well acquainted with the deceased from early youth, I would tender a tribute to the faithfulness with which the above obituary has been drawn. His name was among the first subscribers to the North Star. May his near friends derive consolation from the hope of his now rejoicing in a brighter home beyond the skies, for what are our lives--they are but vapors, that appear for a moent and then vanish away. N.

Commercial.
ROCHESTER, May 25, 1848.

Business has been extremely dull; no sales of wheat or flour.

About 500 bush. best Genesee wheat were offered at $1.20, without buyers.

10,000 bushels Western wheat has been offered for 90cts per bushel.

Rochester Wholesale Prices Current.

FLOUR and MEAL--Duty 20 c ad val
Flour, bbl 5 50 @ 5 62
Corn meal, bush 56
PROVISIONS - Duty; Beef, Pork, Hams, Bacon,
Butter and Lard, 20 c; Cheese 30 c ad val
Pork, (mess) @ 10 50 
Do. in hog 5 00 @ 5 25
Beef, cwt. 4 50 @ 5 00
Do. in hog 5 00 @ 5 25
Lard (tried)Ib - @ - 8
Do. (leaf,) @ 6
Hams, (smoked) 7 @ 8
Shoulders, do. 5 @ 6
Turkeys lb 8
Chickens 8
Potatoes, bush. 56
GRAIN-- Duty; 20 c ad val
Wheat, Bush 1 22
Corn 38 @ 40
Rye 00
Oats 37
Barley 53
HIDES -- Duty; 5 c ad val
Slaughter 4
Calf 9
Sheep Pelts 75 @ 1 00
SEEDS -- Duty; Linseed 10 c; Mustard 20
c ad val
Clover 4 75
Timothy 1 25 @ 2 50
Flax 1 12
FISH -- Duty on foreign caught; 20 c ad val
Whitefish bbl 7 50
Codfish cwt 4 25
SUNDRIES--
Salt bbl 1 31
Apples bush 38
  Do. dried. 56 @ 63
Eggs, doz 10
Beans, bush 87 @ 1 00
Hay, ton 10 00 @ 12 59
Hard wood 3 00 @ 3 50
Soft wood 2 50

ADVERTISEMENTS.

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with new Job Type, for the execution of every description of the Printing with neatness and despatch, at the lowest prices for cash, viz:

Hand-bills, Blanks, Bill-heads, Programmes, Circulars,  Bills of Lading, Pamphlets, Cards, Labels,&c.

NEW PUBLICATIONS.

WILL BE READY IN A FEW DAYS. 
WALKER'S APPEAL, with a brief sketch of
his life by Henry Highland Garnet.

Also, GARNET'S Address to is the Slaves of the United States. This address was rejected by the National Convention at Buffalo in 1843. The edition is small, and those who desire copies will do well to send in their orders early.
JUST PUBLISHED, a Lecture entitled THE PAST AND PRESENT CONDITION OF THE COLORED RACE, by Henry Highland Garnet.
Published at Troy, N.Y. Orders attended to. 
April 28, 8m.

Open to the public, from 9, A.M. to 8 P.M.
THE ANTI-SLAVERY OFFICE AND READING ROOM, No. 25, Buffalo Street. The room is neatly furnished, and the tables filled with some of the best Anti-Slavery, Temperance, Religious, Political and Literary Papers.

BOOKS, &c., For Sale at the ANTI-SLAVERY OFFICE & READING ROOM, No. 25 Buffalo st., Second Story opposite the Arcade:
Narrative of Frederick Douglass,
"     " Jonathan Walker.
Portrait "    "
Spooner on Unconstitutionality of Slavery.
W. Phillips reply to.  do.
Legion of Liberty.
Slavery illustrated by its effect on Woman.
Also a rich variety of Fancy and useful articles made by the Ladies' Anti-Slavery Society.

Now in the Press,
A TRIBUTE FOR THE NEGRO

BEING A VINDICATION OF THE MORAL, INTELLECTUAL, AND RELIGIOUS CAPABILITIES OF THE COLORED PORTION OF MANKIND
With particular reference to the African race,
Illustrated by numerous authentic facts, Biographical Sketches, Testimonies of Travelers, &c.

The motives which have actuated the author in preparing the above-mentioned work, are solely a desire to interest and enlighten the public mind, on a subject intimately connected with the happiness or misery of a large portion of the human family; and by a relation of facts and testimonies, which go [[?]] assertions can annul, to remove a deeply-rooted prejudice, existing in the minds of many, respecting the African race.
It is an important question whether the Negro is constitutionally, and therefore irremediably inferior to the white man, in the powers of the mind.  Much of the future welfare of the human race depends on the answer to which experience and facts will furnish to this question; for it concerns not only the vast population of Africa, but many millions of the Negro race, who are located elsewhere, and the whites who are becoming mixed with the black race, in countries where Slavery exists, or where it has existed till within a recent period.  Many persons have ventured upon peremptory decisions on both sides of the question; but the majority appear to be still unsatisfied as to the real capabilities of the Negro race.  Their present actual inferiority in many respects, comparing them as a whole with the lighter coloured portion of mankind, is too evident to be disputed; but it must be borne in mind that they are not in a fit condition for a fair comparison to be drawn between the two.  Their present degraded state may be easily accounted for by the circumstances amidst which Negroes have lived, both in their own country and abroad.  If a single instance can be adduced of an individual of the African race exhibiting a genius which would be considered eminent in civilized European society, we have a proof that there is no incompatibility between Negro organization and high intellectual power.  But it is not one alone, but many remarkable cases of this description that are brought forward in the present volume, which includes upwards of 150 Biographical sketches of Africans or their descendants, besides Facts and Anecdotes, Testimonies of Travellers, Missionaries, &c., the whole forming a complete "TRIBUTE FOR THE NEGRO," and exhibiting an undoubted refutation of the unfounded calumnies which have been heaped on the unfortunate race of Africa, proving them to be endowed with every characteristic constituting their identity with the great family of Man, and consequently, entitled to certain "inalienable rights," amongst which are "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," any infringement on which is a daring usurpation of the prerogative and authority of the Most High.
The work will be rendered additionally interesting by AN APPROPRIATE INTRODUCTORY POEM, written purposely for the occasion, by BERNARD BARTON.  It will also be enriched by the addition of a beautiful engraving, from a painting presented to the London Missionary Society, representing two Natives of South Africa giving Evidence before a Select committee of the House of Commons.  The Africans are giving evidence, Dr. Phillip is seated in the foreground, and James Read, Sen. and jun., Missionaries from South Africa, are standing, the latter acting as interpreter.  The volume will also contain portraits of 
CINQUE, the Chief of "Amistad Captives,"
JAN TZATZOE, Christian Chief of the Amakose [[sp]] Tribe, South Africa.
J.W.C. Penington, a highly esteemed Minister of the Gospel, of pure African extraction.
FREDERICK DOUGLASS, the fugitive slave.
ALAUDAH EQUANO, or GUSTAVUS VASSA.
Engraved on steel by first-rate Artists.  Also a FACSIMILE of the writing of TOUSSAINT L'OUVERTURE, the Black Chief of Hayti.
The work will be printed in the best type, on fine paper, and consist of about 500 pages [[?]], beautifully bound in cloth, with an appropriate device, forming an elegant volume for the drawing-room table.
All profits arising from its sales will be devoted to the Anti-Slavery cause; American price, to subscribers $3; to non-subscribers $4; individuals desirous of possessing copies will oblige by sending their orders to WILSON ARMISTEAD, Leeds; or to the NORTH STAR Office.


WHEREAS, WAIT HEDGES and ELEANOR HEDGES, his wife, of the City of Rochester, on the fourteenth day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty-five, Mortgaged to GERRIT SMITH, of Peterboro, Madison County, for securing to him the payment of Two Hundred and fifty-five dollars, and interest, all that tract or parcel of land situate in the City of Rochester aforesaid, County of Monroe and State of New York:  To wit, thirty-three feet front on Glasgow street, and running back to the rear the same width;  intending to embrace the East half of all that certain lot of land in that part of lot fifty-four (54,) in Township No.1, of the Short Range, known as the Caledonia Plat;  on which the land herein intended, is distinguished as lot O, lying between lots 104 and 105 of said plat;  it being the East half of the same lot, formerly owned by Josiah Bissell, Junior, and conveyed to Eleazer Tillotson, on the 21st, day of March, 1827:  See Monroe County Records, Liber Eight (8,) of Deeds, at page 471.
Also, all that tract or parcel of land, situate in the City of Rochester, County of Monroe, and State of New York.  To wit, thirty-three front on Glasgow street, and running back to the rear the same width;  intending to embrace the West half, of all that certain lot of land in that part of lot fifty-four (54,) in Township No. one, of the Short Range, known as the Caledonia Plat, on which the land herein intended to be granted, is distinguished as lot O, lying between lot 104 and 105 of said plat;  it being the West half of the same lot, formerly owned by Josiah Bissell, Junior, and conveyed to Eleazer Tillotson, on the 21st day of March, 1827.  See Monroe County Records, Liber (Eight (8,) as supposed) of Deeds, at page 471.
And, Whereas, default has been made in the payment of the moneys secured by said Mortgage, and which are claimed to amount at the time of the first publication of this notice, to three hundred and two dollars ($302 00.)  Now, therefore, notice is hereby given, that by virtue of a power of sale contained in the said Mortgage, and in pursnance of the Statutes in such case, made and provided, the above described Mortgaged premises, will be sold at public auction or vendue at the Court House, in the City of Rochester, on the twelfth day of June, next, at one o'clock in the afternoon of that day.
GERRIT SMITH, Mortgagee
NEH. HUNTINGTON, Att'y.
PETERBORO, March 6, 1848      m10,


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Transcription Notes:
left page is complete First 5 columns on right page are complete. Indents and dividing lines removed per SI instructions