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64] ANNUAL REGISTER [[2 Columns]] The King, after this heinous charge, enters into a recapitulation of his own conduct, and into animadversions on that of the present diet, in the latter of which he obliquely renews the most culpable part of the former charge, without that delicacy which had before affected him; in what relates to himself, he sets forth the pains and industry which he had used to unite them, and the means which he had proposed or intended, to remedy those numberless evils; and called upon any one of them, who could disavow what he said, to do it boldly. He says, that he hoped his endeavours would have released them from those chains which foreign gold, intestine hatred, and avowed licentiousness, were on the point of fixing upon them: and that the hideous examples of other countries thus enslaved, might have afforded them a threatening warning: but that all had been in vain. That they had been misguided on one hand by their leaders, and on the other inflamed by their private animosities. That nothing could restrain or set bounds to their violence; that the principal and most virtuous men among the citizens were sacrificed, those in office who were of the greatest merit degraded, whole bodies of the magistracy dismissed from their employments, and the forced complaints of the people considered as rebellion.— That God himself seemed to have manifested his wrath against their iniquitous conduct—the earth refused to produce her fruits, and a scarcity desolated the whole country; that they had applied no timely remedy to prevent or relieve this calamity, though he himself had strenuously urged this subject to them; and that they had sat a whole year, and were a great burden to the country, without their being of the smallest utility. That in these unhappy circumstances, when one province of the kingdom, urged by despair, had taken up arms; and the rest were bewailing and sighing, without speaking, he saw no alternative but to seize the means by which other free nations had been saved from oppression and violence, and that Sweden herself had already been saved under the standard of Gustavus Vasa. That all has succeeded; and that he has freed himself and his country without injury to any citizen. that the purpose he had in view, far from affecting liberty, was to establish it, and to destroy licentiousness: to render the people happy, by affording them the most perfect security in every respect, by and under the law. That these benefits could only be obtained by establishing, for the government of the kingdom, a fixed unalterable law; whose very letter must not be perverted; which must equally bind both the King and the states; and which must be incapable of being repealed or altered, except by the free consent of both. That such a law, as binding upon himself as upon them, was that which was now to be presented to them. That those who shall believe, that he has fought anything besides liberty and equity, will be grossly deceived. That he had promised to govern a free people, and that this vow is the more holy as it is voluntary; and what has passed shall not divert him from a design, which is not founded on necessity, but on conviction.—He then makes reiterated professions of the [["3" listed at the end of the first column]] For the YEAR 1772. [*65 [[2 Columns]] the good government which he intends to establish and to persevere in; and observes, that, from all which he has now said, they will easily understand, that so far from having hand on his side the smallest private view, every thing he had done was from the love of his country.—He concludes with an appeal to that Supreme Being who knows the bottom of his heart; and a warm wish, that He may shower down his blessings on the accomplishment of his decree. The King then made a solemn renunciation upon oath of all absolute sovereignty and power, and that he did not even desire or wish for it; after which he ordered the new form of government to be read to the states by the secretary of revision. this piece, which is of a great length, consists of fifty-seven articles: the most essential of which are—That the King is to chuse the senate himself—That he is to call the states together when he pleases, and to separate them also when he pleases, after they have at any time continued sitting for three months—That the contributions are to be given by the states; but if not granted within three months, the old ones are to remain: in case of invasion, or pressing necessity, the King may impose some taxes for raising money till the states can be assembled—When the states are assembled, they are not to deliberate upon any thing but what the King pleases to lay before them—That the King is to have the sole disposition of the army, navy, and finances, and of all the employments civil and military. When the whole of this piece was read through, the King asked the plenum if they would give him their oath to observe this form of government; we may readily conceive that no assembly was ever more unanimous: there was not a single dissentient voice, nor the smallest debate, and the whole assembly were immediately sworn upon on the spot in the King's presence. He then ordered the speakers of the respective orders to come to the table, and to sign and seal the new form; which was also immediately complied with. this great work being thus finally accomplished, the King, with a laudable piety, stood up and said, that it was proper to thank Almighty God for his assistance, in bringing about so happy an event; and then, pulling a psalm-book out of his pocket, he began to sing the Te Deum, in which the whole assembly with great reverence accompanied him. The King then graciously permitted them all to kiss his hand; after which he quitted the room, and the states separated, without knowing whether they were ever to meet again. The next morning all the old senators received their dismission, by letters which the King sent respectively to them; and he conferred the dignity of senators and counsellors of the kingdom on fifteen noblemen, of whose attachment he was satisfied. As favourite names, and terms and forms of little consequence, have frequently great influence upon the opinions of the populace, this prince was too artful a politician to neglect making a proper use of them; for, whatever appearance of trifling or affectation such matters may convey, if the end, in politicks, is frequently allowed to justify the means, let them be ever so wicked, it [["VOL. XII. listed at the bottom of the first column; "[E]" listed at the bottom of the second column]]
