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136 THE COLORED AMERICAN MAGAZINE [[start column]] PRESIDENT TAFT'S SOUTHERN POLICY President Taft's announced intention of not appointing Negroes to offices in the South where there is more or less bitterness on account of such appointments, taken with Dr. Crum's resignation as Collector of Charleston, has somewhat jarred a few of the more critically disposed element of the Negro politicians. But we really expected to have heard more noise than has been made over this matter. While many are saying, "I told you so," yet the majority are saying nothing, which is sometimes a hard enough job for some people. Probably they are waiting to see what Mr. Taft really intends to do before saying anything, and perhaps this is a pretty wise course to follow, and evidently so, since Mr. Taft distinctly stated in his Inaugural address that he favored rewarding the distinguished men of the race with office. When we reflect that about one man in ten thousand would likely get an office anyway, what is the use of making a fuss about it? If we really want more than we get from the politicians, the way to get it is to concentrate and vote for men who will give us recognition. Big talk doesn't count. [[line]] SOUTHERN EPHRAIM AND HIS IDOL Bishop Candler in a seeming effort to stay the efforts of those Southerners who are showing a disposition to break loose from their old time moss-back, Democratic moorings, makes the statement below as to conditions in that section which shows that he wants Ephraim to still cling to his idols. The good Bishop sees in the South the only American civil- [[end column]] [[start column]] ization, the only proper view of politics, and the only people who are right in everything, who always have been right and always will be right. The Bishop is no doubt trying to get on a front seat in the band wagon of moss-back Democratic public sentiment, but he may be mistaken. Let us hope so. I beg to commend to the careful consideration of all concerned the following paragraph taken from the columns of one of the most ably conducted papers in the South: "That the South is dissimilar from other parts of the Republic in important social, political, and religious matters is a proposition too plain to be disputed for a moment. That these differences are radical, historic and persistent it would be easy to show. That they are to the advantage of our section is a belief that we hold without taking leave or license of any. The South is the social, political and religious residuary legatee of American civilization. Its day is coming, indeed is now. It has no need to fret, or to be impatient of fortune: for it holds the illuminating lamp of the future of our national life. Only we must preserve our vantage and push our way toward a complete realization of our historic ideals. Nor must we be in haste to give up either our solidarity or our isolation. This may seem a reactionary or non-progressive sentiment, but it is neither. Both solidarity and the isolation of peculiar peoples had been employed of history and Providence and hastening the world's better destinies. This isolation and solidarity is no barrier to intercourse and co-operation in all our common en- [[end page]] [[start page]] THE COLORED AMERICAN MAGAZINE 137 [[start column]] terprises, but it is that eclecticism of the people which puts their exceptional ideals above the thought of compromise or accommodation. The South can agree to no coalescences, ecclesiastical or otherwise, that will for a moment jeopardize its ideals." That is what might be called "interestin' readin'." It is also quite suggestive. Southern courtesy and hospitality must not be mistaken for the renunciation of southern convictions and ideals. It may be added that the task of breaking up the "Solid South" will not be found an easy one. The unifying processes of more than a century cannot be arrested and turn backward in a day. Blood and tradition, ancestry and history, the compacting power of war and the solidifying struggles of peace, common interests and common dangers, common memories and common hopes count for something: and all these things must be reckoned with when men undertake to break up the "Solid South. "Where will they find a solvent powerful enough to disintegrate in a moment what has been forming for more than a century? Can the seductive wooing use of an artful partisanism put asunder those whom Providence hath so manifestly joined together? Can the crafty pleadings of a thrifty and time-serving expediency compass such an end? Can the saccharine [[end column]] [[start column]] sentiments which are wont to flow around banqueting boards dissolve the affiliations of generations? Hardly. The "New South" Is Just the "Old South" going on its way, and "happy on the way." If any civil perosn is traveling the same road, the South has no objection to his company; but our section is not bowed down beneath an insupportable sense of desolation and lonesomeness. It's happiness is not dependent upon the presence of any traveling companion as it merrily pursues the even tenor of its way. With its cotton fields and factories, it's fruits and flowers – above all, with its lofty ideals and uncompromisable principles – the South asks no favors and begs no one for fellowship. The people of the South are not wanting in independence of thought and action. They are not terrified into being "solid." They do not divide simply because they are honestly agreed. It has not been for a sham solidarity, forced upon them by intolerance, they have contended in war and in peace. The South is first and most of all "solid" in the sacred things which lie deeper down in the soul than passing policies and transient expedience of party politics. The southern people are one in heart, and I mistake them very much if they do not so remain for years to come. [[Image – artist's palette with brushes through the thumb hole and what would appear to be flowers on its surface]]
Transcription Notes:
"perosn": typo
